The convening of the Assembly of Greater East Asiatic Nations
in the capital of our ally, Japan, is an event of great significance in the history of the world. I have been greatly inspired by the address of His Excellency Premier Tohjo to which we have just had the honour of listening.
British and American aggression in East Asia began a hundred years ago. Today, in this grave period, it is only by virtue of the military power of Japan and upon her strength—political, economic and cultural—that we can, for the first time, check the aggressive ambitions of America and Britain, preserve East Asia and prevent those two countries from dominating this part of the world. Recently, with the outbreak of the war of greater East Asia, the aggressive influence of the United States and Britain has been expelled, and their military and naval bases in the eastern Pacific and in the South Sea region have been either destroyed or occupied. Furthermore, with a view to securing the common prosperity and well-being of the nations and peoples of East Asia on a basis of the Oriental spirit of justice, Japan has undertaken to assist their independence and autonomy and to enable them to realize their patriotic aspirations. And, by so doing, she has caused them to assume their respective posts, to display their fullest efforts and to share in the responsibilities for bringing the war of greater East Asia to a successful conclusion and for completing the task of constructing a greater East Asia. For such noble and grand aims and for such brilliant achievements, I wish to pay to Japan my highest respects.
Also, I wish to express my sincere respect to Manchoukuo and Thailand with whom we enjoy amicable relations, as well as to the newly-risen Burma, the Philippines and Free India, all of whom with inflexible determination and inspired efforts are doing their share in the war of greater East Asia and in the construction of a greater East Asia.
I am exceedingly happy to have been accorded an opportunity to speak on the determination and the efforts of the National Government of China to bring the war of greater East Asia to a successful termination and to construct a greater East Asia.
Throughout his life, it was the aspiration of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Father of the Chinese Republic, to liberate China and East Asia from the fetters of America and British domination and to realize complete independence and autonomy. And it was with such aspirations that he continued his struggle for forty long years until his death. Three months before he passed away, Dr. Sun spoke in Kobe, Japan, on two
occasions. In his first speech on November 28, 1924, which was devoted to the subject of the Greater Asia Doctrine, he said: "Our Asia, despite its being the fountain head of the world's oldest culture, has suffered from the aggression of Britain and America for a hundred years and declined to the point where there existed hardly a single completely independent nation among us. However, when that decline reached the lowest level, a great turning-point suddenly arrived. This was the Meiji Restoration of Japan, and it is in this restoration that we find the reason for Japan's rise as the leader of Asiatic nations and, at the same time, the starting-point for the reconstruction of Asia. The nations of Asia must naturally, in a spirit of unity and co-operation with Japan and on a basis of the Oriental culture of the Kingly Way, win over the Occidental culture founded upon the rule of force, completely expel the aggressive influence of America and Britain and secure their independence and sovereignty. Only by so doing can they lead Asia out of decadence and set it on the road of reconstruction."
On the other occasion in the same year, Dr. Sun stated that Japan naturally must assist China and abolish the unequal treaties, and further added: "Japan and China are like brothers. Japan, once subjected to the yoke of unequal treaties, roused herself and broke that yoke and became the leading nation of the East and a world Power. China is now endeavouring to bring about the abolition of the unequal treaties and desires the utmost assistance of Japan. The liberation of China is the liberation of East Asia."
These two speeches were the last to be delivered by the Father of our Republic, for soon after Dr. Sun became ill and, in the following year, on March 12, 1925, died in Peking. At the time of his death he left to his disciples a will, commanding them to carry on the struggle for the emancipation of China.
What is most unfortunate is that following the death of Dr. Sun, when his desires remained still unfulfilled, Sino-Japanese relations did not see any improvement, but became more aggravated culminating in the outbreak of the China affair in July, 1937.
Because the relations between Japan and China broke down, America and Britain, considering this as a golden opportunity, manoeuvred for the extension and prolongation of the conflict by causing further ill-feeling and division between the two countries. We, the followers of Dr. Sun, were distressed to see his will remain unfulfilled and the relations between Japan and China deteriorate from day to day. We were almost at the point of despair when, fortunately, the Japanese
Government announced their policy to terminate the incident as soon as possible and also made clear that the aim of Japan did not lie in the downfall of China but in her rise, that Japan expected China to share in the task of reconstructing East Asia, that Japan was determined to assist China, and that Japan looked forward to the realization of China's desire to recover her full sovereignty and independence. In this declaration of Japan's true intentions, we saw hope for an amicable adjustment of Sino-Japanese relations and for the fulfillment of the will of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Accordingly, we advised the abandonment of resistance and the restoration of peace to the Chungking régime. But because they would not listen, we had no choice but to escape from Chungking and carry on by ourselves our movement for peace. Thus, the National Government returned to Nanking to exert their utmost efforts in working properly and effectively for Sino-Japanese collaboration and for the construction of a new East Asia.
As I have said before, the United States and Britain made constant efforts to cause friction and division between Japan and China in order to extend and prolong the China affair. These efforts were further intensified after the return of the National Government to Nanking, the United States and Britain taking all possible measures to buttress Chungking's resistance and to prevent peace. It is a fact well known to all that, following the outbreak of the war of greater East Asia, the United States and Britain, because of the collapse of their influence in East Asia, utilized Chungking more than ever as a tool for checking Japan. We say with confidence that all such machinations will soon end in failure. Why? Because the military and civil leaders of Chungking and the general masses of the people under that régime are all believers in the teachings of Dr. Sun, and because, since January 9 of this year, Japan has taken successive steps retroceding her concessions and relinquishing her extra-territorial rights; and especially, the recent Pact of Alliance has replaced the Sino-Japanese Basic Treaty and all the documents annexed thereto.
The Greater Asia Doctrine propounded by Dr. Sun has already borne fruit. Assistance to China and abolition of the unequal treaties which Dr. Sun desired of Japan have also become a reality. Regardless of what attempts the United States and Britain may make at seduction and obstruction, no longer can they prevent the awakening of Chungking. Even if they succeeded in gaining temporary control, Chungking would soon and surely realize that reliance upon America and Britain is to betray East Asia and also to betray the Father of the Republic.
I can positively state that the day of Chungking's awakening is inevitably coming.
At this most important juncture, the National Government, in accordance with their fixed policies, are redoubling their efforts on the one hand to urge the Chungking leaders to awaken and return to Nanking so as to consummate national unification and on the other, to set up a model zone in the area under their control. This programme lays stress on the following three points: first, purification of thought; second, guarantee of peace and order; and third, production increase.
The purification of thought is intended to liquidate thoroughly Anglo-American individualistic and utilitarian ideas and replace them with the ethical spirit of the Orient in order that the peoples of East Asia may regain their proper status through East Asiatic awakening and strive with one mind and one virtue for their common prosperity and welfare. As to the guarantee of peace and order, it means that China will maintain peace and order in the rear lines of the war of greater East Asia so as to free the officers and men of her ally in the fighting lines from any anxiety about the home front. And then, she will go a step further by sending her own troops to the front lines to share, even to a small degree, the hardships and privations of Japan's fighting forces. The increase of production aims at augmenting China's strength for a decisive total war with emphasis laid on the economic and financial plans. Economy of consumption and utilization of waste are also included in the plan for production increase.
These three points form the backbone of the National Government's programme for co-operation toward the prosecution of the war of greater East Asia. The meaning of this war of construction which the National Government have learned by experience is this: China is to band together with her fellow nations in a fraternity of East Asiatic nations, bound by common aspirations and resolve to share the bitter and the sweet, to live and die together, so that without, she may help defeat America and Britain, our common enemies, shatter their aggressive influences and frustrate their aggressive designs, and within, do her full part in the construction of East Asia with ceaseless industry and resolute courage.
In the war of greater East Asia, we want victory; in the construction of a greater East Asia, we want common prosperity. All the nations of East Asia should love their own countries, love their neighbours and love East Asia. Our motto for China is resurgence of
China and defence of East Asia. When China has gained independence and autonomy, then can she shoulder her share in the responsibilities for the defence of East Asia; when the defence of East Asia has been secured, then will China's independence and autonomy be guaranteed. It is incumbent upon us, therefore, to make our own country not only independent and autonomous, but also a powerful factor in East Asia. Inasmuch as all the nations of East Asia have each its own unique character, it is necessary to safeguard their independence and autonomy on the one hand and to respect one another's independence and autonomy on the other. No less necessary is it for all the nations of East Asia to march forward together toward their common goal and seek their common prosperity and welfare. Japan already has made manifest to the world the full glory of her sovereignty. She has now enabled the other nations of East Asia to win their independence and autonomy and has freely helped them unite together and exert themselves toward the attainment of their common goal. Now that we have won political independence and autonomy, we shall inevitably attain our common objective when diplomatically we have an agreement on policy and militarily a common front against the enemy.
The triple successes achieved by Japan, in preserving her own culture, in promoting Oriental culture and in assimilating world culture, command our profound respect. I confidently believe that the newly risen nations will make strenuous efforts to go forward in a similar manner. We, the Chinese nation, must concentrate on the revival of our culture. It is my belief that the fusion and creation of cultures is an essential factor in drawing closer the bonds of friendship among nations as in the case of the interchange of thought between China and India in ancient times through the introduction of Buddhism, which added a unique feature to the history of Oriental culture.
In the economic field, too, all the nations of East Asia should work out a formula for deriving benefits mutually, by complementing each other and ministering to one another's needs on the basis of reciprocity. For instance, cotton which we grow in China is required by various neighbouring countries, while gasoline, rubber and tin produced in the southern region may be supplied to neighbouring countries in fairly large volumes. Everything will be settled, if only we approach the question from the viewpoint of mutual aid. All policies of exploitation and monopoly pursued by America and Britain in the past must be razed to the ground, and in their place a new world which conforms to the principles of humanity must be created.
When what I have said is realized, there is not the slightest doubt that the prosperity and welfare of all the nations of East Asia will be promoted, not only providing a guarantee of East Asia's common prosperity, but further by laying a foundation for world peace. Before us stretches a road of bright hopes for the nations of East Asia to march along hand in hand.
Before closing, I should like to add that those countrymen of mine who are resident in Thailand, Burma and the Philippines and the former British and Dutch colonies, now under Japanese occupation, number no less than seven or eight millions. Well treated by the respective governments, they are actively engaged, shoulder to shoulder with the local peoples, in developing communication facilities and natural resources at great pains and by the sweat of their brows. It should go a long way not only to unite the local peoples with them, but also to hasten the awakening of the East Asiatic peoples.
The Chinese people are not free from shortcomings, but at the same time they are possessed of strong points. They are peace-loving, sincere, hard-working and simple. They share with the local peoples both joys and sorrows, weal and woe, with the result that an inseparable relationship of friendly co-operation has developed between the two with mutual appreciation of their strong points and by mutually supplementing their shortcomings. It is my firm belief that this relationship will be further strengthened and consolidated by the war of greater East Asia and further that it will contribute to the common prosperity of greater East Asia.
The Three-Power Joint Declaration among Japan, Manchoukuo and China of November 30, 1940, has already provided a strong central body. And today, with the Assembly of the Greater East Asiatic Nations attended by the representatives of three more countries, Thailand, Burma and the Philippines, and also by Free India as guest, the sphere of common prosperity has been further expanded.
In closing, I desire to express my best wishes for the success and prosperity of all the countries represented in the Assembly and also for the happiness of their peoples.