Our American enemies are waging a war---a costly and brutal war---in order to deny and deprive the one billion people of East Asia of the same liberty for which they profess to be fighting. It is, indeed, a singular fact that the United States which has continually posed as the champion of liberty should now oppose by force the liberation of the peoples in East Asia.
It is still fresh in our memories that the United States played the part of a zealous protector of the principles of the integrity of China and of the Open Door. But the very fact that Chinese sovereignty and its exercise were made the object of numerous international agreements to none of which China was allowed to be a party is indisputable proof that, China was not permitted the enjoyment of a status of equality with other Powers. China, in a word, was a mere pawn in the game of power politics. The development of the present war, however, has at last brought about an epochal change in the situation in East Asia. What China has desired and demanded for many years past is now being steadily realized in the most amicable manner through genuine and genial co-operation between the Japanese Government and the Chinese National Government at Nanking. Thus has China come to occupy a position to play an important rôle in the concerted effort of all the peoples of East Asia on an equal footing with Japan and other countries of this sphere. How could, one naturally wonders, the United States, who has always claimed to be a friend of China, object to and still less obstruct, such a course of policy?
As regards the Philippines, the islands have been promised independence
within this year and the aspirations which the Filipino people have entertained for the past several decades since Jose Rizal died for them are about to be completely realized. Incidentally, America's imperialistic expansion in the Orient which caused her to be drawn into international entanglements will be terminated, once and for all.
As to the independence of India and the emancipation of other peoples of Asia, it is glaringly inconsistent with the ideals which inspired the founding of the United States, that America, of all the nations in the world, should choose to fight to deny these peoples the freedom which they so ardently desire. As a matter of fact, there is reason to believe that the majority of the American people are at heart sympathetic toward this rising tide of movement for liberty in East Asia. Was it not George Washington who said that the love of liberty is interwoven with every ligament of the hearts of the American people?
When all the factors that led to the outbreak of hostilities between Japan and America are coolly and comprehensively considered, America's responsibility for provoking and precipitating the present war becomes irrefutably clear, notwithstanding the whole array of propaganda to the contrary. Let the record speak. It is America who, by bringing pressure to bear on us politically and economically, forced Japan to take up the sword in defence of her national existence. America slipped, so to speak, into the war, misguided by irresponsible leaders. Little wonder, therefore, that America's war aims are extremely nebulous. Little wonder again that not a few Americans are bewildered as to why America is at war---America who could in tranquillity have enjoyed peace and prosperity, menaced as she was by none at all.
Americans are, I know, told that the Atlantic Charter epitomizes their war aims. Very well. Why is it, then, that many eminent American leaders are pleading for the hegemony of the great Powers---at the expense of smaller nations? The case of Poland is merely one of the numerous examples that eloquently reveal the untenability of the so-called Atlantic Charter.
Japan's war aims, on the other hand, are directed toward the establishment of an enduring world peace through the liberation of East Asia. Indeed, the future destiny of East Asia---this vast region comprising teeming millions---depends upon the outcome of the present war.
Already our efforts in constructing a new East Asia are gathering great momentum, thanks to the spirited and spontaneous co-operation of the one billion people marching victoriously forward toward their ideal; and brick by brick and stone by stone the imposing edifice is taking shape steadily---the edifice of liberty and freedom. In fact, in proffering the pledges of independence and participation in government to the various peoples of this part of the world, Japan was actuated by her desire to respond to the legitimate aspirations of these peoples to regain their proper places which had hitherto been encroached upon by foreign Powers.
This policy of restoring freedom to Asia is often called a new policy. As a matter of fact, however, it is, as recently pointed out by Foreign Minister
Shighémitsu, not at all new. It aims at realizing the ideal of Japan since her founding as a nation, that of ultimately rendering the universe into a single harmonious family, each nation being assigned its own proper place so as to enjoy international relations of concord and conciliation. We have endeavoured in the past to carry out this policy, but its realization has been sadly hampered by manœuvres and machinations on the part of the Anglo-Saxon Powers who made it their point to alienate and antagonize the countries and peoples of East Asia, one against another. These adverse foreign influences have now been eliminated and our ideal has, at last, been given its first opportunity of realization.
The recent trend in the conduct of America's foreign policy in both Europe and Asia has become ambiguous and arbitary, radically deviating from the path of its traditional diplomacy, the principles of which had been laid down by George Washington. Something like a century and a half ago, America, through her own independence and through President Monroe's declaration in 1823, laid the foundation for a new order in the Western Hemisphere. But due mainly, I believe, to the rapid rising of her wealth and power, as well as the mounting world-wide imperialistic tendency, America's foreign policy has assumed an increasingly interventionist tone involving her in frequent international controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to her concerns. Especially American policy toward Latin America, became at one time so rampantly aggressive as to invite such critical appellations as the "big stick policy," "dollar diplomacy" and "Yankee imperialism." It was not, as you all remember, unusual for America until recently to station armed forces on foreign soil for quite long periods---for more than ten years in some cases---in spite of criticism abroad and opposition at home.
Of late, as a result of numerous bitter experiences, the United States, has been forced to adopt the so-called good neighbour policy toward the countries of Latin America. But even this policy has repeatedly been perverted and wantonly extended. Under the guise of inter-American solidarity, the United States has compelled her southern neighbours either into declaring war against or rupturing diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers, including Japan. The United States has thus caused these Latin American countries to meddle, though indirectly, in the affairs of East Asia where they have no political interest at all. When the present war hysteria in America subsides and the pan-American good neighbour policy returns to its proper pattern, those Latin American republics will, I trust, find themselves among the first countries to recognize the justice of our new East Asia policy.
The present world war is being waged with great intensity and on a vast scale, on land, sea and in the air. But even more intensive and extensive are the great changes which are now taking place in the internal and external relations of the belligerent countries, as well as of the rest of the world, especially in the economic and social fields. Viewed in this sense, the present war may be regarded as a revolutionary transformation of human civilization and culture. Again, viewed from the standpoint of Occidental history, this
transformation may be regarded as a sudden resurge of the tide of progress which, having gradually risen after the Dark Ages, had for a time been retarded up by the Versailles Treaty. Therein do we find the inherent legitimacy and historical inevitability of the new European order advocated by Germany and Italy. If, however, the United States and Great Britain do not, or will not, realize this obvious trend of the world in general and continue their futile efforts to restore the status quo ante under such an obsolete and ossified slogan as the "preservation of democracy," they will surely be overwhelmed and submerged by the irresistible march of time.
From the viewpoint of the peoples of East Asia, the past century has been a period when the West dominated the East. But the time of inescapable reaction has arrived. The coming century is clearly the era of the restoration to Asia of its rightful inheritance. Asiatic liberation will be brought about by the concerted efforts of Japan and her neighbours who are now engaged in constructing a new East Asia, freed entirely from the baneful influence of Anglo-Saxon machinations.
In the meantime, our solidarity with Germany and Italy is becoming evermore close and our collaboration in the execution of the war leaves nothing to be desired. Thus, we will fight on, with full confidence in ultimate victory, until the day when the new order shall be established both in Europe and in Asia.