It was in April last that I received unexpectedly the Imperial Command to assume the heavy responsibility of administering our country's external affairs. Today, I have the honour to state before you my views regarding the foreign policy of this government.
The war situation is, as you all know, growing increasingly serious. By their counter-offensives since last year, the British and American forces have now come in contact with the outposts of the Axis defence both in the East and in the West. Realizing, however, that they could not advance further by their own strength alone, our enemies are seeking to obtain at all costs the aid of other Powers. It was for this purpose that, at about the time of the Assembly of the Greater East-Asiatic Nations, they met in conference at Moscow, and at Cairo, and again at Teheran. At these conferences, they seem to have decided upon a general counter-offensive campaign, to be undertaken at an early date against the great German Fortress of Europe as well as against this Empire.
At the Cairo Conference of last November, to which Chungking was summoned, the American and British leaders declared the aim of imposing an unconditional surrender upon Japan. They agreed to deprive us of all our territories except Japan which were partly to be allotted to themselves, but mostly to be turned over to China with a view to prevent the defection of Chungking. They have announced that their counter-offensive against Japan is already in full play. But what they have gained thereby so far consists in the recapture of a few islands scattered along our outer-defence
line, to secure which they have lost many hundreds of warships and transports and several hundred thousand lives.
The American people at home seem quite unable to understand for what purpose and under what necessity they should continue such a costly war in a remote part of East Asia, which has nothing to do with the security of the United States.
The President of the United States, when he saw that his so-called "new deal" was running into a blind alley, sought a way out by stirring up a war fever and directing the attention of his people to external affairs. He carried on propaganda calculated to make Americans feel as though their country was at the point of being attacked by an external enemy. But for American interference, uninvited and unwarranted, the current world war would have been averted. In spite of the fact that there was nothing to menace the security of the United States, and that the American people could have continued to enjoy the blessings of peace, the policy of their President has driven them into a dangerous venture for which they are now obliged to make unnecessary and costly sacrifices. Acting as if he were the monitor of the world and overseer of East Asia, the President not only instigated the war in Europe, but also thrust himself into the affairs of East Asia by imposing economic sanctions upon Japan and finally resorting to an outright economic war. That the Pacific war had been entered upon by the United States long before the battle of Pearl Harbour is clear from the various official documents made public by the United States Government itself. Thus has America embarked upon a colonial war which in the last analysis is simply waged for political ends. This is evident from the fact that America is now trying to consolidate her position of world supremacy, replacing Britain over all the globe.
America and Britain, not content with using their satellite states as convenient tools, are resorting to every kind of intrigue and intimidation in an attempt to drag neutral countries into the war on their side in utter disregard of the spread of calamity that such a course of action entails. The pressure they are at present bringing to bear upon Turkey and other countries is an outrage on international justice and should give the right-minded a cause for strong indignation. However, the attitude of Turkey remains unchanged. At the same time, the Argentine Republic is still maintaining a courageous stand under a similar pressure.
So with noisy fanfare have American-British campaigns been launched in Europe and in the Pacific. But victory is not a thing to be gained by propaganda and deception. The Axis positions east and west, remain as firm as rocks.
As regards the Fortress of Europe, the German armies having completed the necessary adjustments of their front lines, are fully prepared in their impregnable positions to meet and destroy the enemy. It is a grand spectacle, rarely witnessed in world history, that the German people, hardened by bitter experience in the past, are marching on toward final victory—marching on, united, self-confident, persevering, and with an absolute
faith under the leadership of their Fuehrer, Herr Hitler. The German armies are now on the alert to seize the chance of turning the tide of battle and of assuming the offensive. The German people, undaunted under ferocious aerial bombardments, are fighting with a firm conviction of ultimate victory. This is a fact admitted even by the enemy. The Japanese Government, always in close contact with the German Government, are co-operating along all lines of activity as well as in military matters. A new Italy headed by Signor Mussolini is arising once again as a potent member of the Asia. I confidently expect that Italy, holding the common battle front along with Japan and Germany, will fight her way to a glorious future. Following the collapse of the former Italian Government, our enemies disseminated peace rumours and maneuvered with a view to unsettle the morale of the Axis nations. While this is a customary trick on their part, it reflects the uneasiness and the desire for an early cessation of hostilities that prevail among their own peoples. After all, it has served no other end than to expose their impatience and irritation. Propaganda on the part of our enemies notwithstanding the Axis Powers in Europe, are as firmly united as ever in their determination to prosecute their common war to a successful conclusion.
In the Pacific area, our position taken up for the defence of East Asia remains intact in the face of frantic counter-attacks by the enemy. This needless to say, is entirely due to the gallant conduct in battle of the Imperial forces, to whom we are all beyond measure grateful.
What America and Britain rely on most is their material strength. The importance of material strength in modern warfare cannot be ignored. But is it a factor that decides the ultimate outcome of a war? Even in respect, of material strength, our enemies have notable weak points. Geographical advantages are on our side. Moreover, viewed from the standpoint of national morale, they are not match for us. Our assurance of victory is based neither on number nor on volume, nor on geographical advantages. It is born of the exuberant fighting spirit and the complete unity of the nation. What confronts us today is the crucial question whether we, as a nation, rise or fall together. What inspires us is the record of our forefathers, who bravely surmounted national crises in their time. In order to ensure a glorious future to our country, we have an unconquerable will to fight. The glorious future of our Empire is immutably assured by this will to victory.
Thanks to the prowess of our armed forces fighting under the aegis of His Majesty's August Virtues, and thanks also to the concerted exertions of our people on the home front, there is no room for doubt as to our ultimate success. This confidence in assured victory arises from the fact that this is a war upon the issue of which depends the destiny of East Asia, as well as the fate of our nation.
Britain and America desired to prevent the growth of Germany as a great Power in Europe, and likewise to prevent Japan from developing into a great Power in the Orient. Hence, in Europe they put into operation the policy of the balance of power while in China they manipulated the principles
of the open door and equal opportunity for purposes of colonial exploitation. Both in Europe and in East Asia, their fundamental policy has been to keep two or more Powers pitted one against another, and to establish meanwhile their hegemony over the world. Such was the 'Pax Britannica' of old days. Such is the Pax Americana which America plans to establish today.
To America and Britain, Sino-Japanese co-operation for the stability and prosperity of East Asia means the renascence of that region and their own exodus. They pursued in the past a policy of using Japan to check China and to obstruct the southward advance of Tsarist Russia, and later, when our country had increased in power, they adopted a policy under which they took up China as an instrument to hold Japan in leash. This is their traditional policy of "Divide and Rule."
According to the recent speech of the American President, America and Britain propose the permanent elimination of this Empire. That is why this is for us a war of self-defence, in which the very life of our nation is at stake. Should we falter and fail, not only would the Empire pass permanently out of existence, but East Asia also would be re-enslaved with no chance of ever attaining sovereignty and independence. Indeed, this is for the Axis nations a war for self-existence and of self-defence, and to Asia a war for sovereignty and independence. For Japan as a great world Power with a glorious history of three thousand years, it is her Heaven ordained mission that she should dedicate herself to this great enterprise for the deliverance of Asia and the renascence of the Orient. We will, therefore, co-operate with all those nations and peoples of East Asia who are animated by the same aspiration to shatter the iniquitous designs of America and Britain.
The present global war means stupendous changes throughout the world. The war was first provoked by Britain against Germany for the sake of preserving her world-wide Empire. The Russo-German war altered the aspects of the situation, injecting into them a deeper significance which is fully reflected in the international developments which have taken place since the Teheran Conference. On the other hand, the war of greater East Asia added an important significance by introducing the ideal of the emancipation of Asia and the renascence of the Orient. The age has long passed, when Asia was a colony or a semi-colony of Britain and America. Asia must awaken, be free, and rise again. Asia can be saved only by the peoples of Asia.
As long as any vestige of American-British domination remained in East Asia, there was no hope for the stabilization of the region, and no assurance against the recurrence of trouble and turmoil. Only with the complete eradication of disturbing influences, has it become possible for East Asia to regain its proper status. The fact that Japan and China after so many years of regrettable disputes and conflicts have finally succeeded in finding a basis for the securing of harmonious relations between the two countries is entirely due to the obliteration of that pernicious influence. A year has gone by since China became a participant in the war and these basic relations were established. In that period our policy has step by step been
effectively put into operation, resulting in the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese Pact of Alliance of last October and the agreement on the fundamental essentials of lasting amicable relations. We have now, it may be said, reached the stage at which the complete restoration of peace may be expected to be realized within China. Our Government is determined to strive unswervingly toward a thorough execution of our settled policy. With the war still in progress, it is only natural that our efforts in this direction should encounter numerous difficulties, economic and otherwise. However, we are proceeding with the firm intention of overcoming any and every obstacle in collaboration with China. We are most grateful for the unstinted co-operation of Manchoukuo with which Empire our nation is united as "one in virtue and one in mind." At the same time, we are glad that Thailand, an important member of the East-Asiatic family of nations, and our ally fighting on the common front, is contributing her full share toward the construction of a new East Asia.
Early in November last, the Assembly of Greater East-Asiatic Nations was held in Tokyo, and the head of the Provisional Government of Free India was also invited to attend. The assembly adopted a Joint Declaration setting forth the ideal of the reconstruction of East Asia and a common policy which should serve as the cornerstone of world peace. The various principles enunciated in the Joint Declaration shall guide us in the liberation, defence and reconstruction of East Asia and in the inauguration of an enduring world peace towards which we are to contribute in concert with all other nations. I am glad to say that, despite various wartime obstacles these principles are in process of being realized through the earnest collaboration of all the nations concerned.
Today a spirit of renascence pervades Asia. Burma and the Philippines have achieved the glory of independence. Imbued with the ardent zeal of a rising nation, they are eager to contribute toward the progress of mankind, and they are diligently putting into practice the spirit of the Joint Declaration. The formation of the Provisional Government of Free India has laid the foundation of independence—the long-cherished objective of the Indian people. This aim of reconstructing East Asia and liberating Asia is what inspires us all with confidence in our ability to fight to a finish until final victory.
The world policy to which Japan steadfastly adheres aims at the development of the relations of neighbourliness and amity among nations. It conforms to the fifth principle of the Joint Declaration:—namely to 'cultivate friendly relations with all the countries of the world, and work for the abolition of racial discrimination, the promotion of cultural intercourse and the opening up of resources throughout the world, and contribute thereby to the progress of mankind.' The concept of the common existence and common prosperity of all nations means not shutting, but opening, the door; not exclusion but all-inclusive co-operation. I am convinced that an extended application of this policy of international amity offers the best means of saving the world from the recurrence of war and of enabling mankind to
turn away from destruction to construction.
In accordance with the above stated policy, our Government is endeavouring to promote friendly relations, particularly with neighbouring states, while it is our intention to pursue the same policy in our intercourse with all the nations of the world. It is without question, therefore, that our policy is to strive against any extension of the misery of war. We are exerting our efforts towards the furtherance of amity and good will with all the neutral countries far and near. Thus with Soviet Russia, too, our relationship of neutrality has been firmly maintained, not in the least affected either by the outbreak of the war of greater East Asia or by any developments of the war in Europe.
America and Britain have launched their vaunted general offensive by attacking Axis positions in Europe and Asia. In the Pacific sector, the counter-attacks by the enemy are growing in severity as the days go by. This will be an important year that will decide the major trend of the global war. We are engaged in a war of righteousness, on which we have staked the destiny of our nation. At the front, there guard our mighty Imperial forces. Behind the lines, there is fully mobilized the total strength of our nation, our people, one hundred million strong, regardless of where we are whether on the battlefield or at home, we are all in the fight, with a burning zeal to serve the cause of the State. Let us fight on with resolution, courage and daring, but also with equanimity, foresight and skill, in order to blast the sinister designs of our enemies, and thereby set at rest the August Mind of our Sovereign.