I consider it a great honour to have been afforded an opportunity to address this session of the Diet and to state my views concerning the foreign policy of Japan.
As the world war grows daily intensified to white heat, all the belligerent Powers are collecting every ounce of their national strength to pour it into the fighting front. Both in the East and in the West the situation has reached the climax in which we all feel, whether in the first line or at the home front, that this war has truly entered upon the decisive stage, while the enemy, who has internally many weak spots, is feverishly trying to bring the hostilities to an early end by lunching [sic] desperate counter-moves one after another.
As regards the military phase, we have absolute confidence in the wise planning and brave fighting of our Army and Navy, so that we are neither elated nor depressed unduly over the changing aspects of the situation. The Imperial forces are fighting valiantly everywhere. The very spirit of our special attack corps is the spirit not only of all our fighting forces but of our entire nation. We have not the slightest doubt as to our final victory.
The unity between Japan and her allies remains ever firm, and together with them we will fight this war to the finish. Having successfully surmounted innumerable difficulties, Germany is continuing her gallant struggle. The general offensive campaign against Germany from east, west and south which was decided upon at the Teheran Conference has been relentlessly carried on
for over a year in parallel with every imaginable kind of political intrigues and machinations. Moreover, it is the avowed intention of her enemy to make it impossible for Germany to rise again, by dividing up her territory, by deporting her people, and by altering her political structure, and thus by obliterating her together with Japan, forever as a great Power. Indeed, Germany faced a crucial hour on July 20, last year, when an attempt was made to assassinate the Fuehrer. Providentially, however, the evil design did not materialize. Germany emerged out of the crisis, completely recovering her position both internally, and externally. It is indeed a grand spectacle that today the Germans solidly united under the Fuehrer, are fighting with an iron resolve not to permit the enemy to advance one step into their native soil.
As was expected, Germany, taking the offensive on the western front against the enemy, has destroyed the more important of the American positions. We cannot but be moved to see Germany, unperturbed under the severest trials, march straight forward, self-reliant and confident of ultimate victory.
On the other hand, Italy under Signor Mussolini, rapidly effecting the organization of her national army, is marching side by side with Germany, with honour and glory.
I believe that in this war for self-preservation and self-defence, it is the most sacred mission for us to fight it out with our allied nations both in the East and in the West for the fulfilment of our common aims of establishing international justice, and blazing a new path for mankind.
The good fight put up by Germany has served to expose more plainly than ever the motives of America and Britain in provoking the war. Needless to say, it is Britain who started the European conflagration by intervening in the Polish question. Her pledges of assistance to Rumania, Greece and other small nations have proved to be nothing but tricks of her balance of power policy. Now the interests of the small nations are being completely ignored by the great Powers who posed as their protectors. Poland, whom Britain was to rescue by fighting Germany, is now a child left on the doorstep. The Atlantic Charter, which was once hailed as a Magna Charta, and the lifeline of America and Britain, has been thrown into the dustbin. Their power politics has been bared in all its ugliness without its mask of righteousness. America and Britain are presumptuous enough to call themselves "freedom-loving" nations. But their war aim lies in neither the protection of smaller States nor the upholding of freedom, but in setting up a world structure under the dictatorship of big Powers grouped about themselves. In the meantime, by anticipating and preparing for the next war, they are revealing unwittingly a fatal inconsistency as regards their war aims. That they are also lacking in faith regarding the war is evident even in the light of public opinion in their own countries. The enemy has already gone bankrupt in his policy. A breakdown in policy bespeaks the beginning of a breakdown in war itself.
The war of greater East Asia was provoked by the enemy in his attemp to
eliminate Japan who stands in the way of his plan for world supremacy. America and Britain are aiming to rob the peoples of East Asia of their homelands, and to convert them into their permanent colonies, and use them as bases of operation for the domination of the world. The war of life and death we are waging is a war for the defence of East Asia. Thus more distinctly than ever stands out our war aim which lies in the establishment of international justice through the emancipation of Asia and the reconstruction of East Asia. Today, Asia is a awake. East Asia has been liberated. The nations of this region, freed from Anglo-American aggression and exploitation of long years, are now fighting a sacred war of defence against the enemy who is invading anew their territories. Should we by any chance lose this war, we would have to be subjected to oppression and exploitation forever. The resurgence of East Asia, nay, the very existence of our nation would become but an idle dream. Herein lies the reason why the peoples of East Asia have joined their forces to fight out this war. Herein is to be found the source from which springs the illimitable strength of East Asia for making this war a complete success.
Needless to say, the defence of the Philippines constitutes, today, the focal point in the defence of East Asia. As soon as America commenced aggressive operations against the Philippines, the Republic rose resolutely, declaring war against her. All the world is watching how the people of the Philippines, led personally by President Laurel, are fighting side by side with Japanese forces in a most sanguinary war.
Another vital point in East Asia's defence line is the Burma front. For the past year and a half ever since her independence, Burma has continuously borne the brunt of violent battles. It is most reasuring that under the superb leadership of Dr. Ba Maw, Head of the State, the nation standing at the foremost front in the war of Asia's emancipation, is demonstrating the proud traditions of East Asia.
That the liberation of India is the key to the liberation of Asia and also the cirterion of world justice has long been an established view among unprejudiced thinkers. Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose, Head of the Provisional Government, is leading the Indian National Army in the struggle for the attainment of that high purpose. Though there are many difficulties yet to be overcome, I have no doubt whatever as to the ultimate success of his lofty enterprise. The Japanese Government have recently appointed a diplomatic representative accredited to the Provisional Government of Free India. There is certainly a great rôle to be played by that govervment [sic] in the future.
Meanwhile, the people of Indonesia, responding to Japan's sincere intentions that have been publicly announced, are actively co-operating with our forces and vigorously carrying on the preparations for independence. Our Government look eagerly foward [sic] to the day when the independence of Indonesia will be realized.
In Thailand, the venerable country of Asia and our ally, a new cabinet has been organized under Mr. Khuang Aphaiwong, the young and energetic
leader. It is truly reassuring that Thailand, maintaining perfect co-operation with our country, is devoting all her energies to the great enterprise of reconstructing East Asia.
Manchoukuo remains our staunch ally, ever true to the pledge of "one virtue and one heart." Although indirectly afflicted with the calamities of war, she is fully co-operating toward the prosecution of war both spiritually and materially, and contributing vastly to our fighting power.
The death of President Wang Ching-wei, the outstanding pioneer of East Asia, before the realization of a general peace is a severe blow not only to China alone, but also to East Asia. The Japanese Government cannot but feel the profoundest sorrow and regret. However, although President Wang is dead, his spirit lives. In accordance with his last instructions, the lamp of ideal lit by the Father of the Chinese Republic is kept burning. United fully under its new head, Mr. Chen Kung-po, the Chinese Government is vigorouly [sic] administering the national affairs in the face of many difficulties, while doing its utmost to promote Sino-Japanese co-operation under the conviction that the two nations are to "live or die together." The relationship between Japan and China is clearly defined by the Pact of Alliance that was concluded some time ago. Japan's policy toward China has remained fixed and irrevocable ever since the inauguration of the so-called "new" policy. This same policy will be pursued consistently and various measures will be pushed through all difficulties in both political and economic fields.
I avail myself of this occasion to say a few words regarding the international situation centring around China.
To divide and rule and to fish in troubled waters by pitting Asiatics against Asiatics, has long been the policy of Britain, which America has adopted, and which is being pursued most conspicuously in China. Well aware of the impossibility of subjugating Japan by herself alone, America is attempting to attain her objective by instigating China. Now by flattery, now by threat, she is driving China against Japan in order to keep the two nations perpetually at loggerheads. Moreover, while reducing at the expense of China the cost of her war against Japan, she is taking advantage of China's distresses aggravated thereby and scheming to plant securely her exclusive monopolistic power on the continent. Such destructive American policy, which endangers the stability of East Asia, is absolutely incompatible with our constructive policy. Our China policy aims to help construct a new China, awakened to her rôle as a member of the East Asiatic community of nations, and standing with other countries in a relationship of equality and reciprocity. Japan has already promised the general withdrawal of her troops from China upon the restoration of peace.
The war of greater East Asia, it may be said, begins with China problems and ends with China problems. The stability of East Asia can be secured only when China is set aright. The objective of our Armies in South China is to destroy American forces and American bases. All we want is to drive out the disruptive American influence, and to restore China to the Chinese, so that she may together with Japan contribute toward the grand enterprise
of reconstructing East Asia. I rejoice at the recent victories of our forces which have cut a way across the entire length of China from north to south and dealt heavy blows to American bases, which means a brilliant strategic stroke politically as well as militarily toward the liberation of East Asia.
As regard Japan's relations with neutral countries, I may say that with the exception of those which are actually under the dominance of America and Britain, friendly intercourse is being continued as formerly despite the difficulties attending wartime. Especially to Sweden, Switzerland, and Spain, who, representing Japan's interests in enemy countries, have been good enough to take charge of the complicated and troublesome affairs for so long relating to protection of the interests and the internees of our country, I desire to express our profound sense of gratitude. With Soviet Russia our relations are governed by the Neutrality Pact of 1941. In view of the respective positions the two countries hold vis-à-vis the world's political situation, the Governments are maintaining close contacts always. A smooth progress is being made in the negotiations on various pending issues including the execution of the agreement regarding transfer of concessions which was concluded and made public in March last, and the exercise of the fishery rights provided for in the Fishery Convention.
There is no hope of ever securing an enduring peace in the world through the American-British policy of force. A peaceful world order can be brought into being only in an atmosphere of international amity and co-operation which excludes none but invites the collaboration of all. It is in this very spirit that the Joint Declaration of Greater East Asiatic Nations is conceived. The five points of Japan's foreign policy which were enunciated before the Diet and to all the world last year are but concrete lines of approach based upon it. To repeat: (1) to uphold the principles of equality and reciprocity among nations, to develop the relations of neighbourliness and amity, and thereby inaugurate an era of universal concord and to establish a permanent world peace; (2) to respect the principle of nationality, and enable all nations and peoples to enjoy each its proper place in the world; (3) under the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States, all nations, large and small, are to respect mutually the sovereignty and independence of one another, and not to interfere with the form and philosophy of government of any country, these being its domestic affairs; (4) to advocate, in the economic field, co-operation and the open door and to work for the free development of peace and communications on a footing of reciprocity and for the mutual opening of resources throughout the world; and (5) to promote international cultural interchanges and thereby contribute to the peace and progress of mankind. These are the five points of which detailed measures for practical purposes may be duly worked out. In brief, what Japan advocates is to establish a world order of non-menace and non-aggression.
It is my belief that our fair policy will be appreciated by all nations, and, that our war aims of vindicating the cause of international justice will eventually command the respect of the whole world. Indeed, our immutable
will to victory is sustained by the conviction that justice is bound to prevail in the end.
No easy progress is to be hoped for in a war by which we mean to bring about a great world change. We should expect, as a matter of course, to experience many ups and downs. In fact, the more ordeals we undergo, the stronger grows our resolve to fight out this war of life and death. With the intensification of the conflict, the difficulties in the diplomatic field are bound to multiply, and I am prepared to see to it that every care and caution is taken in the execution of various measures. I believe that not by turning to the bypaths of artifice, but rather by marching steadfastly and resolutely on the highway of justice and righteousness we may work out the destiny of our nation. As one charged with the administration of external affairs at this time of the decisive stage of the war, I hope that under the August Virtue of Our Sovereign we shall all strive in the spirit of our gallant men at the battlefront and do our full shares in opening up a glorious future for East Asia.