ADMIRAL TEIJIRO TOYODA, THE NEW FOREIGN MINISTER
By SHINNOSUKÉ ABÉ
THE ever-changing international situation, according to the statement issued by the Cabinet Chief Secretary, is what caused the second Konoye Cabinet to resign en bloc. Premier Konoye has resorted to the move, actuated by the desire to strengthen the cabinet in dealing with the international situation, which is subject to constant changes. The character and attribute of the third Konoye Cabinet will reveal themselves clearly, when they are analyzed from this viewpoint. The most striking feature of the new cabinet is a general retreat beaten by party men, who have been replaced by one general and one admiral, each holding an important portfolio. With the Ministers of the fighting services included, the total number of generals and admirals who have joined the third Konoye Cabinet reaches seven out of the thirteen Ministers of State. This not only provides an eloquent commentary on the tightening of the country, but also may be taken as an indication of Prince Konoye's attitude toward the political parties.
It does not matter much, however, whether party men, who have been mostly figurehead Ministers of State in every cabinet since the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese conflict, will join the new Government or not. Setting aside the party men who beat a general retreat with the resignation of the second Konoye Cabinet, a strong contrast is made between Yosuké Matsuoka, the outgoing Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Isao Kawada, the outgoing Minister of Finance. In resigning as Foreign Minister, Mr. Matsuoka left a towering shadow against the one left by Mr. Kawada in quitting the important portfolio of
finance. Considered in this light, the real significance of the cabinet change may be found in Mr. Matsuoka's resignation. Inversely, the real meaning of the new Cabinet may be found in the assumption of the portfolio of foreign affairs by Admiral Teijiro Toyoda, who has replaced Yosuké Matsuoka. If the cabinet change is forced by the international situation it is but natural that importance attaches to the portfolio of foreign affairs.
Mr. Matsuoka enjoys popularity, which is subject to sudden fluctuations. It is still fresh in the public memory that he was given an ovation by the people on his return to Tokyo from Geneva, where he led the Japanese delegation out of the League of Nations. At that time he was an idol of the Japanese nation. As time went on, however, Mr. Matsuoka gradually lost his glamour for the people, who lost their interest in him, as if they had shaken off a fit of ague. Instead, they began to look upon him as a sort of a great braggart. Of recent months, however, Mr. Matsuoka's popularity has reached a peak. When he returned to Tokyo from his visits to the capitals of Axis Powers in Europe, with a souvenir in the form of a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union, whose conclusion had hitherto been regarded as difficult, if not impossible, he was acclaimed by the nation as a great national figure. His position in the second Konoye Cabinet was thus great and spectacular, but he has been compelled to step out of the stage. Whether he will be able to retain his position as a national figure even after his resignation as Foreign Minister may depend upon his popularity, which is subject to wonderful fluctuations, as already referred to.
Mr. Matsuoka is neither so coarse nor talks so big as reported, but on the contrary he is very cautious in handling business, taking pleasure in his mental performance or acting as is done by Kabuki actors. The theatrical mental performance, or psychological interpretation, as done on the Kabuki theatre is intended to capture the fancy and imagination of the audience by acting as if he were an enemy when he is in reality a disguised
friend or as if he were a rogue when he is in fact a good man. Of the Kabuki plays, the rôle of Yuranosuké Oishi in the "Chushin Gura" (Forty-seven Ronin) and that of Matsuo-Maru in the "Sugawara Denjukagami" are said to require a masterly performance in the psychological interpretation of the play. Now, Mr. Matsuoka has a hobby in his mental performance, or "abdominal performance," in theatrical parlance. But he is too good by nature to stand being called a rogue and too talkative to remain silent at being abused as a scoundrel. His mental, or "abdominal," performance, therefore, used to be done openly outside instead of inside.
Against Mr. Matsuoka's romanticism, it is generally believed that Admiral Toyoda, the new Foreign Minister, will stick to his realistic position. There is no doubt that the guiding principles of the national policies, decided upon by the Imperial Conference on July 2, 1941, will not be affected by a cabinet change, which has taken place later, but it is conceivable that formulae for carrying out those national policies may change in accordance with the character and attribute of a cabinet, which undertakes their execution. Indeed, a cabinet change, which does not presuppose alterations in those formulae would be nothing more or less than a useless political intrigue. The popular verdict is that the second Konoye Cabinet indulged in visionary, reformist discussions, thus marring the cause of reform in many cases. At the latter stage of its existence, however, the second Konoye Administration began to pay serious attention to realities, being aware that one practice is far better than a thousand idle discussions. Admiral Toyoda, the new Foreign Minister, is one of those realists. His realistic idea fully manifested itself during his fourteen week tenure of office in the second Konoye Cabinet as Minister of Commerce and Industry.
On his assumption of the portfolio of commerce and industry, he pledged himself that he would concentrate his efforts in the increased production of iron and coal, by bidding farewell to the popular ideological discussion. And his pledge
was steadily being translated into action, when the third Konoye Cabinet was formed, in which he has now assumed the portfolio of foreign affairs. There is no doubt that he will persist in his realism, as he has done as Commerce and Industry Minister. In the first press interview, he stressed that diplomacy is not to be cramped with hard and fast rules, but instead it must take measures suited to the occasion. The realist Foreign Minister will no doubt handle diplomacy scientifically, just as the romanticist Matsuoka, his predecessor, endeavoured to conduct his diplomacy in a dramatic way. Put in another way, Admiral Toyoda's diplomacy will not be marked with bold, heroic leaps, but it will be so consistent that it will be easily understood by everybody, who will be induced to co-operate in its successful execution. On July 19, following the formation of the third Konoye Cabinet, Dr. Nobumi Ito, president of the Information Board and spokesman of the Government, in a radio speech broadcast over a nation-wide hook-up, explained the reasons for the cabinet change. The spokesman said, inter alia:
When we carefully think over all this, it becomes clear that the world situation is subject to constant changes. It needs no further explanation. At present, this much may be said that we cannot depend upon others. And the only reality, the only objective fact is that it is useless for Japan to rely too much upon other countries.
The spokesman emphasized the necessity of endeavouring hard for the realization of the ideal, which inspired the founding of the Japanese Empire, on this realistic basis. The radio speech seems to shed an illuminating light on the attitude of the Cabinet as well as of diplomacy now under the care of Admiral Teijiro Toyoda.
Some may feel sceptical as to whether Admiral Toyoda will be able to meet the nation's expectations of him in a field entirely strange to him. The writer is afraid that the Admiral himself may also feel sceptical on this point, as he does not declare that he is confident of his success as Foreign Minister. It may be well to remember, however, that similar scepticism was voiced
by a section of the public about Admiral Toyoda, when he assumed the portfolio of commerce and industry in the second Konoye Cabinet three and half months ago. Thanks to his clear head and strenuous endeavours, he has demonstrated that such scepticism was entirely groundless. Likewise, it is the writer's firm belief that the Admiral will prove himself to be a worthy Foreign Minister. It is a well-known fact that he is possessed of a clear head. He went through the Naval Academy at the top of his class all the time, not because he crammed for examination, but mostly on account of his clear head, which enabled him to dispense with cramming. Vice-Admiral Soyétaké Toyoda and Vice-Admiral Kamésaburo Nakamura graduated from the Naval Academy in the same class with Admiral Toyoda. Both of them are reputed for the clearness of their heads, but they raise their hats to him in this point now as in their school days. Admiral Teijiro Toyoda apparently was promoted full Admiral by way of a farewell gift, when he retired from the naval service to assume the portfolio of commerce and industry. If he remained in active service, it is expected that he would be promoted full Admiral this autumn. More than that, it is safe to judge that the highest honours for the naval officers, namely the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet and the post of Navy Minister would be kept in store for him, if only he remained in active service. He did not certainly retire from the naval service, which promised him such brilliant honours, of his own accord. Woe to the Admiral's clear head, which so glamoured Prince Konoye as induced him to offer the Admiral with the portfolio of commerce and industry! Is it to be another misfortune to the Admiral that he has been given another portfolio within four months of his assumption of the post of Minister of Commerce and Industry, to launch upon a field, entirely strange to him as Minister of Foreign Affairs? In his new career, his experiences at Geneva, where he was active as a staff member of the Japanese delegation to the Disarmament Conference, his full mastery of the English language, and his knowledge of international law, which he studied at an English
university, may stand him in good stead, but those are secondary conditons [sic] at best for ensuring his success as Foreign Minister. The essential factor of his success lies in his clear head.
The mere possession of a clear head, however, will not entitle an Admiral to become a Foreign Minister, especially since there are many career diplomats, who have clear heads. It may be also contended that it will be far safer to entrust a career diplomat with conduct of foreign affairs in pursuance of the immovable national policies, which have been decided upon by the Imperial Conference. But nonetheless Prince Konoye has offered the portfolio of foreign affairs to Admiral Toyoda, a non-career man, whose diplomatic abilities are regarded with some scepticism. And why? Why does Admiral Toyoda's selection as Foreign Minister serve the purpose of strengthening the third Konoye Cabinet? The reply is quite simple.
Prince Konoye has aimed at unifying military and foreign policies in appointing Admiral Toyoda Foreign Minister. But this does not mean that Japan's foreign and military policies have hitherto lacked unity or suffered from disunity. On the contrary, both the military and diplomatic authorities have been in close touch, but there were instances, though very few and far between, in which better unity established, might have been more useful to Japan's foreign and diplomatic policies. Should such instances be repeated in future it might tend to compromise Japan's position. There is no manner of doubt that Prince Konoye has chosen Admiral Toyoda as Foreign Minister, actuated by the desire to preclude any possibility of friction between Japan's foreign and military policies, which might be attended with serious danger in an ever-changing international situation.
It is a patent fact that there exists no substantial difference between the second and third Konoye Cabinets, but the one difference between the two is a highly realistic tendency which asserts itself in the third Konoye Cabinet and which will be the key-note of the new Foreign Minister Admiral Toyoda's policy. It may be interesting to speculate on the possible application of
this new tendency to practical pending issues. Of the outstanding diplomatic questions, the future relations between Japan and the United States command public attention, first and foremost. How will the new Foreign Minister handle this question? Detached from various complications and viewed from the standpoint of abstract, wishful thinking, Japan and the United States will gain much by adjusting and ameliorating their relations, but lose everything by going to war with each other. Indeed, it would be the height of folly for the two countries to let war overtake them. This may be nothing but wishful thinking, after all, and the actual situation prevailing between the two countries is not moving in the direction of this wishful thinking. If things are left as they are, a clash between Japan and the United States possibly may be inevitable, how much wishful thinking there may exist in the two countries for avoiding the worst eventuality. Setting aside the question as to which will be responsible for such an eventuality, Japan or the United States, the only way left to both countries out of the difficulty lies in seeking a practical solution of the question on the basis of actualities. In this connection, however, the United States' attitude toward Japan has been too much unrealistic and too much visionary rather than idealistic. She has regarded the Sino-Japanese conflict as a "private war," charging Japan that she is tyrannizing over her weak neighbour. She has posed herself as a chivalrous knight to help the "under dog." Such an attitude of the United States is possible only when she utterly disregards realities. There is no gainsaying the fact that the Pacific situation has been complicated and confused by American idealism, if not by the United States itself.
American idealism, however, which has been spoiled by blessed circumstances, as it is, is awakened to realities by a blighting, "realistic" wind which is sweeping over the world. At first, the Americans have flattered themselves that it is a moral act to aid Great Britain, because it will safeguard democracy from Nazism, just as aid to the Chiang Kai-shek régime will serve to defend the "democratic" China against Japan's
aggression. The same argument, however, will not hold good with America's aid to the Communist Soviet Union, as already pointed out by thoughtful Americans. Again, Walter Lippmann, a popular, political commentator, has stressed the necessity of pursuing a realistic policy on the part of the United States in a recent issue of the New York Herald-Tribune. Mr. Lippmann declares that America's aid to Great Britain is nothing but a defence measure for America herself, because it is imperative for North and South America's sense of security to crush Germany by all possible means. Should Germany succeed in dominating Europe and establishing the German new order there, the United States would find it impossible to defend Latin America, which has close connections with South Europe, historically, racially, economically and strategically, contends the American commentator, adding that the United States would be forced to take orders of Europe. Arguing in this vein, Mr. Lippmann urges the Washington Government to transfer the United States fleet in the Pacific to east of the Panama Canal in order to defend the Atlantic against Germany. Realizing the impossibility of effecting the transfer of the United States fleet in the Pacific to the Atlantic without reaching an understanding with Japan, the American commentator suggests the Washington Government to enter into diplomatic negotiations with Japan. Mr. Lippmann's observation may be taken as a manifestation, however slender it be, of a change coming over the attitude of the United States, who is now being compelled to look straight at the realities in East Asia. Mr. Lippmann further says that it is difficult, but not hopeless, to reach an understanding with Japan which may be effected by looking straight at each other's interests.
If the United States looked Japan's interests square in the face, the writer shares Mr. Lippmann's belief in the possibility of an understanding being reached between Japan and the United States. Japan's interests consist in the establishment of a sphere of common prosperity throughout greater East Asia. It is highly problematical whether the United States can see her
way to recognizing this reality. But it may safely be said that it will be an improvement on the attitude of the United States, if she has begun to pay attention to the actualities in East Asia. If she is further buffeted by the ever-changing world situation, the time may possibly come when the United States will be forced to look Japan's interests full in the face. Under such a delicate situation, the writer discerns something more than a mere coincidence in the selection of Kichisaburo Nomura as Japan's Ambassador to Washington and Teijiro Toyoda as new Foreign Minister, both full Admirals, hailing from the same Province of Kii. Most people hailing from Kii Province are mettlesome with a savour of prejudice, which characteristics are at once their strong and weak points. Admiral Nomura is an exception to Kii people, because he is possessed of a generous and amiable personality. Common with the Kii folks, Admiral Toyoda has the mettle in him, but he is free from prejudice and broad-minded enough to listen to other's advice. Herein lies the strength of his personality, which has appealed so strongly to Prince Konoye that he has offered the Admiral the important portfolio of foreign affairs in his third cabinet. Press messages from New York and Washington report that the United States has given a favourable reception to the third Konoye Cabinet. Any country will welcome a new cabinet with a Foreign Minister, intelligent and trustworthy, formed in another country with which it has to deal.
The Japanese press reports that the third Konoye Cabinet will concentrate its efforts in seeking a complete settlement of the China affair. Disposal, however, of the Sino-Japanese conflict has two meanings, one narrow and the other broad. In a broad sense, the Sino-Japanese conflict has connections with all events in every part of the world. Therefore, there apparently is no hope for its local settlement. This accounts for the rampancy of crude, ideological discussions in this country, which are too engrossed in various world events to pay serious attention to the China affair itself. The matter calls for tactful handling. Admiral Toyoda, however, who is possessed of a
personality of well-balanced reason and sentiment will not allow himself to be troubled with needless questions, nor will he overlook vital questions. When he faced a barrage of questions from Japanese newspapermen, following his assumption of the portfolio of foreign affairs on the night of July 18, Admiral Toyoda told them: "Leave the new foreign policy to me." When asked to leave anything to somebody, one may feel too uneasy about him to comply with the request. In the case of Admiral Toyoda, however, the nation may feel inclined to comply with his request and to leave the new foreign policy to him. No spectacular, diplomatic development may be expected of Admiral Toyoda, unlike Yosuké Matsuoka, his predecessor, but he may be fully expected to seek a substantial settlement of the China affair and other diplomatie [sic] questions steadily step by step.