The fall of the renowned stronghold of Nanking so early is rather surprising. It is of course attributable to the august virtue of His Imperial Majesty, and to the loyalty and courage of our military and naval forces. For these the entire nation is grateful. And those who have fallen or been wounded in action, I know of no words with which to express our heartfelt sympathy and gratitude.
At the outset of the present China affair, Japan pursued as far as possible, a policy of reaching a settlement without aggravating the situation, which policy was strategically disadvantageous to Japan. Despite this, however, the Imperial forces have in only a few months swept everything before them in the extensive regions north of the Yellow River, and have broken through the fortified zones of the Yangtze area. Here is manifested the true strength of the Imperial forces.
It was a fatal blunder on the part of the Nanking Government to miscalculate the real strength not only of the Japanese fighting services but of the modern Japanese nation as a whole. China, I believe, should see this point and cease her futile opposition against Japan. Other Powers in their turn will no doubt become cognizant of Japan's position as the stabilizing force in East Asia. That the Chinese Army has become stronger is true. That this army has been employed not to fulfil its proper mission but for a wrong purpose is all the more profoundly to be regretted. For this the leaders of the Nanking Government must assume responsibility. "Begin right in order to end right" is a familiar saying. China made a wrong start. The mobilization of Chinese nationalism by the Nanking Government on the basis of anti-Japanism has resulted in the nullification of all that that Government has built up so far.
We have persistently urged China to reconsider her attitude in this regard and to embrace the great principle of cooperation between Japan and China. The recent advice of General Matsui, commander of the Japanese forces in Shanghai, for peaceful capitulation of Nanking was also made from such a motive. But as this advice was totally ignored, he could not but undertake the general offensive against the capital. Upon hearing the report of the fall of Nanking, even before we rejoice over the victory that is due Japan, we find ourselves deploring the irredeemable folly of the Nanking leaders from the standpoint of five hundred millions of Chinese people who
are our kith and kin in blood and culture.
General Chiang Kai-shek, who had boastfully declared that he would hold Nanking to the death, fled the city in haste, yet is still calling for long-term resistance to Japan. However, modern warfare is waged on the basis of national mobilization not only of military forces but of industrial and other resources. He is, therefore, playing into the hands of the Communist Party by pinning his hopes upon the stratagem of guerilla warfare.
The Nanking Government has done its worst against Japan both in diplomacy and in military action. Yet for the inevitable consequences of these actions it refuses to assume responsibility; having abandoned the capital and broken up the machinery of government, it is reducing itself to a mere local military regime. Since it is now evident that its leaders have no intention of reconsidering their attitude even at this juncture, we on our part must modify our own attitude. While Japan will not relax her offensive against the anti-Japanese regime and its armies, she cannot but be deeply concerned with the welfare of the masses of China. Where there are people there must be government, and that government must possess substantial qualifications. Having abandoned the four metropolitan cities of Peiping, Tientsin, Nanking and Shanghai, the Nanking Government is nothing but a shadow without substance. Therefore, in the event a new government with just aims comes into existence following the collapse of the Nanking Government, Japan will be obliged to take concrete measures for mutual existence and prosperity in concert with such a government.
That unexpected misfortunes have befallen the lives and properties of the nationals of friendly third Powers is a matter for which we wish to express our heartfelt sympathy.
The world is at present going through a period of transformation. Anyone who properly understands this universal trend will not doubt that China can be organized successfully only on the basis of friendship with Japan, and that only by the emergence of such a New China can the interests of European and American countries in the Orient be really secured. The China affair is an East Asian tragedy. In order that an unhappy affair of this sort shall not be repeated in the future, Japan must not shirk her responsibility in effecting fundamental readjustments. In this sense, the fall of Nanking is but a prelude to the solution of the China problem, and we must accordingly be prepared for a real war of endurance which is beginning from the present moment. I wish to take this opportunity of urging upon the nation the necessity of redoubled efforts in all fields of national activity, both internal and foreign.