I have the honour to state the views of the Japanese Government concerning the establishment of a lasting peace in East Asia—a task that has been handed down to us by the Emperor Meiji whose illustrious virtues we are commemorating today.
Following upon the capture of Canton, Hankow, the heart of China, was also taken, so that the so-called "Middle Plain" with its seven great cities, which virtually sustain the life of modern China, has now fallen into our hands. There is an old Chinese saying to the effect that "He who controls the Middle Plain controls the whole land." Thus the Chiang Kai-shek government is no longer anything but a local régime. Japan has achieved these results without overstraining her fighting power, which has always been kept at a level sufficient to ward off any intervention from the outside. We are moved, as never before, by the consciousness that this has been made possible by the august virtue of His Majesty, the Emperor, and the heroic efforts of His valiant officers and men.
In thinking of the glorious victories, our deepest gratitude goes out first to the tens of thousands of those who have been killed and wounded. Their noble sacrifices impose upon us, I feel, a two-fold obligation: first, to follow in the footsteps of those willing martyrs, and to achieve at all costs the ends for which they have fought, and secondly, to repay their services by doing all in our power for their families.
The key to China's fate is now in our hands. What, then, do we want? We want not the destruction of China but her prosperity and progress; not the conquest of China but cooperation with her. Working hand in hand with the Chinese awakened to a new consciousness of being people of the Orient, we want to build up an East Asia which is peaceful and settled. Allow me to state that no country is better aware than Japan of the ardent national aspirations of the Chinese, nor feels more keenly the need that China shall vindicate her position as a completely independent state.
It is an historical necessity that the three great neighbour nations, China, Manchoukuo and Japan, while fully retaining their respective individuality should stand closely united in their common duty of safeguarding East Asia. It is deeply to be deplored not only for the sake of Japan but for that of all Asia that the attainment of this goal has been thwarted through the mistaken policy of the Kuomintang Government. The policy of that government was based on the transient tide of the period that followed the Great War. It did not originate in the inherent intelligence and good sense of the Chinese people. In particular, the conduct of that government, which in its efforts to stay in power cared not whether the nation was left a prey to Communism or relegated to a minor colonial status, cannot but be regarded as treason toward those many patriotic Chinese who had risked their lives in order to erect a new China. It was in those circumstances that Japan, reluctant as she was to be involved in the tragedy of two great kindred nations fighting against each other, was compelled to take up arms against the Chiang Kai-shek régime.
Japan fervently desires the awakening of China. It is my hope that wise and foreseeing Chinese will be swift to assume leadership and to guide their nation back to the right path, and lead the rejuvenated state forward in the fulfilment of our common task in East Asia. Already in Peking and Nanking signs of rebirth have appeared. And in the wide plains to the north and west, a new Mongolia is springing to life. Let the Chinese people, who in the past 5,000 years of their history have illumined again and again the annals of civilization, prove once more their greatness by sharing in the stupendous task of creating a new Asia. Participation even by the Nationalist Government need not be rejected if, returning to the true spirit of China, it should repudiate its past policy, remould its personnel and offer to join in the work as a thoroughly regenerated régime.
The nations of the world must surely be able to comprehend these new developments in East Asia. It is undisputed history that China heretofore has been a victim of the rivalry between Powers whose imperialistic ambitions have constantly imperilled her tranquillity and independence. Japan realizes the need of fundamentally rectifying such a state of affairs and she is eager to see a new order established in East Asia—a new structure of peace based on true justice.
Japan is in no way opposed to collaboration with foreign Powers, nor does she desire to impair their legitimate rights and interests. If the Powers, understanding her true motives, will formulate policies
adapted to the new conditions, Japan will be glad to cooperate with them. Japan's zeal for stamping out Communism is well known. The aim of the Comintern is to sovietize the Orient and to overturn the world. Japan is firmly determined to eradicate the communistic influence which is behind the so-called "long-term resistance" of the Chiang régime. Germany and Italy, our allies against Communism, have manifested their sympathies with Japan's aims in East Asia and we are profoundly grateful for the great encouragement that their moral support has given our nation during this crisis. In the present emergency, it is necessary for Japan not only to strengthen still further her ties with those countries but also to collaborate with them on the basis of a common world outlook in the reconstruction of world order.
What the world needs today is a lasting peace based upon a foundation of justice and fair dealing. It cannot be denied that the principles governing international relations in the recent past have in practice tended only to preserve and perpetuate with cast-iron rigidity an inequitable state of affairs. In this irrational arrangement lies the fundamental cause of the collapse of the Covenant of the League of Nations along with many other pacts and treaties. We should not allow international justice to remain merely a beautiful phrase, but we should strive to create a new framework of peace, in accordance with a comprehensive view of all human activities such as commerce, emigration, natural resources and culture; and in keeping with the actual conditions and the progress of events I firmly believe that this is the only way to overcome the universal crisis which confronts us today.
Placing absolute trust in the men at the front, the Japanese at home are silently engaged in speeding war-time production and in making preparation for protracted hostilities. Here we have a modern reproduction of the old Japanese spirit. History shows that our national fortunes waxed or waned in proportion to the degree in which the whole people were consciously aware of Japan's national polity. Knowing that a lasting peace in the Orient has always been the aim of our Sovereign, we cannot but be deeply conscious of our moral obligations as His subjects. It is high time that all of us should face squarely those responsibilities—namely, the mission to construct a new order on a moral basis—a free union of all the nations of East Asia, in mutual reliance but in independence.
What does this mean? What sacrifices does this call for? What preparations are required? These are matters of which we must obtain a clear understanding and concerning which we cannot afford to make any mistake. If there is anyone who believes that the fall
of Canton and Hankow marks a turning point and that an immediate return to normal conditions is soon to arrive, he simply has not grasped the significance of the present Affair. There could be nothing more dangerous than that. Japan's undertaking to erect a new East Asia implies that she has entered upon a long period of creative work in all the activities of her national life. In that sense the real war has just begun. If we are to make of ourselves a truly great nation, we must stand united as one man and pursue with firm conviction and adamant resolve the task of reconstruction and construction overseas as well as at home.