At a time when Japan's international relations are becoming increasingly complex owing to the China Affair, I am glad to have this opportunity of speaking on our foreign policy and our foreign problems in general.
It is scarcely necessary to reiterate that Japan's foreign policy, based upon the fundamental principles of our national polity, and designed principally for the fulfilment of Japan's moral responsibilities, has always been so conducted as to promote the interests and welfare of East Asia through the cooperation and collaboration of the peoples of that region, and to contribute to the general prosperity of mankind. Following the establishment of the Empire of Manchoukuo, the Japanese Government, having in view the neighbourly and inseparable relationship existing between Japan and that country, made it a policy to cooperate toward her healthy development as an independent State. But the critics have not been few, as you know, who have attacked this programme for collaboration between the two countries as a disguised form of territorial aggrandizement on the part of Japan or as a measure calculated to destroy or exclude the rights and interests of third Powers. Now what are the actual results that have been achieved during the past six years since the foundation of the new State? Legal and administrative systems have been set up in due succession, and the work of developing natural resources is progressing, so that the 30,000,000 people of the land are living happily, secure of their livelihood. The national foundations have been consolidated more firmly than ever, and seven Powers have already extended recognition to the Empire. The establishment of peace and order and the expansion of industries have notably benefited all other countries concerned, including Great Britain and the United States, whose trade with Manchoukuo is showing marked increases in volume as compared with the years prior to the Manchurian Incident. Such results would not have been possible but for Japan's devotion to her moral cause and her unselfish cooperation and contribution toward the healthy progress of Manchoukuo.
As regards the present China Affair, the basic policy and the resolute aim of the Japanese Government have been set forth in its statement of the 3rd of November last year. What Japan desires is the creation of a new order which is to secure the permanent peace of East Asia, that is to say, the construction of a new East Asia upon a moral foundation, in which Japan, Manchoukuo and China, while each fully preserving her independence and individuality, will stand united and
linked together for collaboration and mutual aid along all lines of political, economic and cultural activities. It is the firm conviction of the Japanese Government that such a new order is not only absolutely necessary for the existence and healthy development of Japan, Manchoukuo and China, but also conducive to the real peace and well-being of the whole world. Under date of December 22nd last the Japanese Government issued another statement declaring its intention of joining hands with far-sighted Chinese animated by similar ideals and aspirations, and to work together for the common purpose of constructing the new East Asiatic order and for the realization and mutual practice of neighbourly amity, economic cooperation, and joint defence against Communism. It was also announced that what Japan asks of China is neither territory nor indemnity for the cost of military operations, and further that not only will Japan respect the sovereignty of China, but she is even prepared to give practical consideration to the questions of the abolition of extra-territoriality and the rendition of foreign concessions and settlements, a matter which is obviously required for China's complete independence. In all these declarations are enunciated the national policy of Japan founded on moral principles.
Despite the repeated explanations given by the Japanese Government, there persist unfortunately misunderstandings in certain quarters abroad, ascribing to Japan an intention to close the doors of China. If we are to embark upon the creation of a new order in East Asia through mutual assistance and solidarity between Japan, Manchoukuo and China, it will of course be necessary to enforce certain restrictions and regulations in spheres having a vital bearing upon the national defence and economic independence of the three countries. But these measures will be confined to the minimum requirements, being directed toward no other purpose than that of enabling East Asia to function well as a link in the chain of world economy and to contribute to the general prosperity of mankind. Consequently there will be left open vast fields wherein not only will the rights and interests of other countries and commercial and other peaceful enterprises of their nationals remain absolutely unaffected, but wherein foreign participation will be really welcome, so that it is confidently expected that the economic activities of other Powers will be more than ever stimulated under the new order.
The Japanese Government, believing the removal of trade barriers of various kinds and the promotion of economic cooperation among the nations to be the best means of advancing the happiness and prosperity of mankind, have always striven toward the realization of those ends. Its future policy in this regard will sustain no change.
In fact, it is in accordance with this very policy that the Japanese Government plans to limit to the necessary minimum all restrictions on the economic activities of other Powers under the proposed system for Japan, Manchoukuo and China. It is hoped and expected that the Powers concerned will understand the true intentions of Japan and extend active cooperation in the task of constructing the new order in East Asia.
It is regrettable that the China Affair has given rise to circumstances prejudicial to the individual rights and interests of the nationals of other Powers in China, or placing restrictions on their residence and travel. That these circumstances have been unavoidable owing to military necessities is, I believe, appreciated by all. On the other hand, the Japanese Government, paying careful attention to the matter, has followed the policy of expediting the settlement of pending cases as far as is permitted by circumstances and as soon as the necessary investigations are completed. Already not a few cases have thus been satisfactorily settled.
As regards the reported conveyance of arms through French Indo-China and other territories, the Japanese Government has from time to time called the attention of the Governments concerned to the matter; and when necessary, proper steps will be taken. The China Affair has now entered upon a new phase as the result of the fall of Canton and Hankow. While we will not relax our efforts for the overthrow of the anti-Japanese régime, we are obliged at the same time to address ourselves earnestly to the work of construction.
Although the Chiang Kai-shek régime is still professing its policy of a so-called "long-term conflict," it has already fled into a remote province and become a purely local régime, while, in the regions in the occupation of our forces sentiment is growing rapidly against the Comintern and in favour of friendship with Japan. The Provisional Government at Peking and the New Government at Nanking respectively and the Autonomous Government of Mongolia are all making healthy progress and steadily winning popular support and confidence. Moreover, in the fall of last year a Joint Committee was formed by the Provisional and the New Governments; and movements are coming to a head in Hankow and Canton for the establishment of other local governments. It is hoped that a new Central Government may be speedily organized and cooperate with us for a settlement of the present conflict. As for the recent flight from Chungking of certain leaders of the so-called "peace faction" in the Chiang Kai-shek régime, the Government is watching carefully for consequent developments.
In order to cope with the destructive activities of the Communists,
there was concluded some time ago the Japanese-German Agreement for Safeguarding against the Communist International, to which Italy subsequently became a signatory. The manœuvres of the Comintern are both insidious and elusive, but in Europe and in Asia wherever there is any disturbance of peace and order, there is invariably to be discovered the hand of the Comintern behind the scenes. The Civil War in Spain, now almost three years old, affords a most outstanding example of the activities of this organization, whose favourite procedure is to utilize a local affair as a fuse to set off a general conflagration in order to bolshevize the world. Indeed the Comintern is the arch-enemy of peace and order.
In East Asia, too, the Communists were active before the commencement of the present China Affair, instigating the Kuomintang Government and causing Chiang Kai-shek to pursue an anti-Japanese policy. Since the outbreak of hostilities, they have rapidly extended their sinister influence and have ultimately made their way into the inner councils of the Kuomintang Government so as to command positions of leadership in both military and political affairs. The so-called "long-term conflict" as well as guerilla tactics have originated in the recommendations of the Communist Party. They constitute a conspiracy which, by sacrificing the masses of China, aims at the postponement for as long as possible of a settlement of the present conflict and by that means at the bolshevization of China and of the entire world.
Fortunately, however, the Japanese-German-Italian Agreement against the Communist International has proved efficacious in checking to some extent in Asia, as well as in Europe, the destructive operations of the Comintern. In the light of experience we cannot but believe that the more this agreement is expanded and strengthened, the more potent will be the guaranty of world peace. The recent announcement by Manchoukuo and Hungary of their intention to participate in the agreement is gratifying as an extension of the anti-Comintern front.
Our relations with the Soviet Union became extremely strained at the time of the Changkufeng Affair, which, however, was settled through appropriate action on our part before it assumed serious proportions. In North Saghalien the illegal interference with our concession rights pertaining to oil and coal have not ceased as yet, rendering the exercise of those rights more and more difficult. As regards the fishery question, although we have continued to exert our utmost efforts for the conclusion of the treaty, the draft of which has long been mutually agreed upon, the negotiations have failed owing to the questions which have been injected into the discussions
by the Soviet Government, and which have no relevance to the fishery treaty. In December last the Government entered into negotiations for the renewal of the modus vivendi which was to expire at the end of the year. But, even in this case, the Soviet Government put forward and insisted upon many unreasonable conditions, so that no agreement could be reached before the year-end. It was therefore decided to carry over the negotiations to this year, after requesting the Soviet Government to take no measures that might affect the status quo of the fishery situation. While it is expected that the Soviet Government will negotiate with sincerity and that ultimately a satisfactory agreement will be arrived at, Japan is, of course, prepared to take appropriate steps when it comes to a question of protecting her legitimate vested rights and interests.
We believe that an enduring world peace can be established only on the moral foundation of the friendship and harmony of mankind and in conformity with the principles of justice and equity. The causes of the present international anxiety and unrest are certainly many and complex. But there is no doubt that the principal causes lie essentially in efforts to maintain a status quo which is actually not in accordance with justice and in attempts made from selfish motives to stifle the development and progress of newly-risen Powers.
The establishment of a new East Asiatic order proposed by Japan, being based on moral principles and in conformity with international justice, will, I am convinced, serve to promote friendship between the countries of East Asia and other Powers by putting their relations on a truly sound basis, and it will thus serve to bring real peace to the world. Since there are still some who entertain misapprehensions and doubts in this regard, it is incumbent upon us all firmly to resolve to walk fearlessly along the path of righteousness in the execution of our national policy.