I am particularly glad to have this opportunity of speaking before the Diet on Japan's foreign policy and international relations; for this year marks the 2,600th anniversary of the founding of our Empire.
It is unnecessary to say that the key to Japan's foreign policy lies in the high and broad principles on which our Empire was founded. It aims first at stabilizing East Asia, after which every effort will be made to bring about a peace based upon international justice. In pursuance of this fundamental policy, the Japanese Government are doing everything in their power to settle the China Affair and to adjust international relations from an independent standpoint of their own.
As is well known, our basic policy for the settlement of the China Affair is to join forces with a new China which shall be purged of all anti-Japanese and pro-Comintern influences; to unite with her in the common purpose of establishing a new order in East Asia, and to realize neighbourly amity, common defence against the Comintern and full economic cooperation.
It is a source of profound satisfaction to both countries that the so-called "Peace and National Salvation" movement is now well under way and that a central Chinese Government, under the leadership of Mr. Wang Ching-wei, is to be established in the near future.
With regard to our attitude toward the proposed new government, we intend to continue the declared policy of the previous Cabinet; that is to say, we shall do all in our power to assist its formation and growth since its aims are largely in accord with our own.
In connection with the new order in East Asia, I should like to add that, although there are some who suspect Japan of intention to eliminate the rights and interests of third Powers in China, the Japanese Government, as has been repeatedly enunciated, have absolutely no desire to do away with such rights and interests. We are, in fact, anxious to see the development of China's trade with other Powers, and welcome foreign investments in that country as long as they are of a purely economic character. And that, I am
confident, is also the wish of the new central Government of China about to be established. There will at first, owing to the fact that military operations are still being carried out, perforce be restrictions of one kind or another, but these restrictions will be modified or removed as soon as local conditions are restored to normal.
Manchoukuo, to which our country is bound by a neighbourly and inseparable relationship, having made swift and splendid progress, is now ready to emerge as a great Power of East Asia, a fact which is most gratifying for the cause of general peace and prosperity in this part of the globe.
The Japanese Government have always desired to adjust relations with the U.S.S.R. and so contribute toward ensuring the peace of East Asia as a whole. More recently, international feeling between the two countries having taken a turn for the better, we are planning to seek concrete and practical solution of the principal questions now pending, and a consequent general adjustment of Soviet-Japanese relations. With regard to the matter of boundary delimitation, a truce agreement was signed last autumn in connection with the Nomonhan Incident; and, since last December, a temporary Manchoukuo-Mongolia boundary commission, representing the countries concerned, has been set up for the purpose of delimiting the precise boundary line in the disputed areas. The Japanese Government are now negotiating for the early establishment of commissions with a view to delimiting boundaries, not only in the Nomonhan area, but also along the entire frontier between Manchoukuo and Soviet Territory, for the prevention of boundary disputes and for the peaceful solution of all possible international contentions in the bordering territories, so as to bring tranquillity to all sectors of the Manchoukuo-Mongolia and Manchoukuo-Soviet frontiers.
Negotiations for a treaty of commerce between Japan and the U.S.S.R. are now in progress at Moscow, and we are looking to a satisfactory culmination of these negotiations. With regard to the long-pending question of concluding a fishery treaty, it is our intention to settle this matter as soon as possible in accordance with the stipulation provided for in the modus vivendi which was concluded in December last. It is hoped that the Soviet Government will cooperate fully with a view to solving these specific questions, and, moreover, that they will cease interfering with our concession industries in North Saghalien, amend their policy of supporting the anti-Japanese regime in China and collaborate in securing the peace of East Asia as a whole.
Japan's relations with Germany and Italy have grown increasingly cordial ever since the conclusion of the Anti-Comintern Agreement.
Our nation is profoundly grateful to the Governments and peoples of those countries for the sympathy and support they have extended to Japan since the beginning of the China Affair. Our policy of defence against the Comintern remains unaltered. We will, moreover, continue to cultivate, in accordance with that policy, our intimate relations with all the signatory Powers of the Anti-Comintern Agreement.
Since the beginning of the China Affair, the Japanese Government have done all in their power to bring the British Government to a proper appreciation of the realities of the situation. More recently we have attempted to solve the Tientsin question and to effect a general adjustment of Anglo-Japanese relations. It is most unfortunate that on January 21 a British man-of-war searched a Japanese ship, the Asama Maru and seized 21 of the German passengers on board. In view of the unprecedented fact that this incident occurred in our home waters, it is deeply regretted by our Government as well as by the entire nation. Negotiations are now in progress with the British authorities and we are doing our utmost to arrive at a satisfactory settlement.
On July 26 last year, the United States Government suddenly gave notice of their intention to abrogate the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, which had been for 30 years, since 1911, a pledge of friendship between Japan and America. The reason which prompted the American Government to take this step is believed to be that by so doing it would serve in the solution of the various questions which have arisen between Japan and America in connection with the China Affair. We endeavoured, therefore, to conclude a new treaty, or at least to prevent the advent of a treatyless situation, by making the American Government understand more thoroughly the attitude and aims of Japan. Unfortunately, the commercial relations between the two countries have nevertheless fallen into a treatyless status since January 26 this year. On the other hand, in December, the American Government took measures of an internal nature to accord to Japanese ships and goods, after the lapse of the treaty, the same treatment as before; they further declared their intention to make no change in the treatment of Japanese subjects residing in or entering the United States as so-called "treaty merchants." Thus, despite the treatyless situation, Japanese-American trade relations have in practice undergone no change.
Although the policy of the Japanese Government in the present China Affair is not to eliminate the legitimate rights and interests of the United States and other third Powers, but on the contrary, to
invite their active participation in the construction of a new order in East Asia, it is inevitable that the trade and other economic activities of these Powers should be affected at times by military operations which are being conducted on so vast a scale. In these circumstances our Government have resorted to all possible means to protect the rights and interests of third Powers, while our military forces have frequently endured even strategic disadvantages on that account. Moreover, we are making it a point to give due consideration to damages suffered by third Power nationals in consequence of our military operations. I firmly believe that with the establishment and development of the new order, America will come to realize the absence of a desire on our part for either exclusion or monopoly in both economic and commercial fields. A treatyless situation, which deprives trade of stability and makes relations in general difficult, is not desirable for either Japan or America. We propose to exert further efforts in the confident hope that Japanese-American relations will be restored to a normal status, that is to say, on a treaty basis.
With regard to the South Seas regions, the Japanese Government are desirous of maintaining with them a relationship of co-existence and common prosperity through economic cooperation and collaboration in the development of natural resources. We intend to put forth every effort along this line toward enhancing the existing close relations between Japan and those regions.
Under the prevailing conditions, Japan must do her utmost for the promotion of her export trade and the assurance of the supply of necessary goods. Various organs concerned with trade are doing everything in their power to realize these purposes by maintaining close coordination among themselves. Economic cooperation with all other countries is being expedited by removing obstacles of trade, developing new markets, strengthening economic cooperation between Japan, Manchoukuo and China, concluding trade agreements on the principles of reciprocity and compensation, and in various other ways.
There are many countries with which we are conducting trade negotiations. The United States of America, and the Soviet Union I have already mentioned; but included among them are France, Italy, India, and the various countries of Central and South America.
Since the outbreak of the European war, it has been noted that not only are there many instances in which the economic policies adopted by the belligerent Powers tend to obstruct our importation of essential goods or to interfere with the development of our
export trade, but also that some of these measures, exceeding belligerent rights recognized under international law, are destructive of the freedom of trade and the freedom of the seas. The Government have, therefore, presented vigorous protests to the Powers concerned, and are taking other appropriate steps for the protection of our trade rights.
On the outbreak of the European war in September last, the Japanese Government made known, both at home and abroad, our intention not to be involved in that conflict but to concentrate our endeavours on a settlement of the China Affair. The Government have since strictly adhered to this non-involvement policy. It is believed, however, that the present war is destined to bring about drastic changes in the general situation of Europe regardless of how it may end; consequently, its effects on the settlement of the China Affair and the stabilization of East Asia are likely to be far-reaching. The Government, while watching the development of the war with grave concern, are, however, determined to take appropriate steps to meet any changes in the situation.
International peace fails to be maintained for various reasons. But after all, is this not largely due to the fact that some nations insist upon trying to maintain the irrational and unjust international status quo relative to race, religion, territory, resources, trade, immigration and other matters by adopting exclusionist policies, or by the abusing of certain advantages their superior positions give them? A real world peace, based on justice, cannot, therefore, be expected to prevail unless and until these causes are thoroughly examined and the root of the evil eliminated; after which all countries would be enabled to find each its proper place in the family of nations.
Now that in Europe also a growing demand is heard for a new order, while steady progress is being made in East Asia for its realization, it seems that a rare opportunity is afforded mankind for self-examination. At such a time as this we feel more keenly than ever the importance of the ethical aspect of diplomacy. With this conviction the Japanese Government have hitherto devoted their efforts toward the establishment of a peace based on justice. I hope, then, that our nation, with united and inflexible determination, will go forward to establish a new order in East Asia and will contribute thereby to the happiness and welfare of all mankind.