Japan's Foreign Relations in 1940
Department of Foreign Affairs
As the fourth year of the China Affair and as the second year of the European conflict, 1940 was a year fraught with events of historic, world significance. While a new world order has begun to emerge with recent developments in the situation in our part of the world as well as in Europe, the activities of the status quo Powers intended to arrest the growth of the new order have become increasingly energetic and serious. In the face of such a state of affairs Japan has steadfastly pursued a policy for checking the world-wide spread of the current hostilities and for establishing a permanent peace founded upon the principle that every nation and people should have each its own proper place. It is true that her endeavours along that line have not been appreciated by those Powers, and consequently considerable difficulties were experienced in advancing the cause for which she stood; nevertheless, enormous strides have been made during the past year toward the realization of her rightful purpose in that the Three-Power Pact between Japan, Germany and Italy and the Treaty between Japan and China were concluded. Against this general backgtound [sic], our foreign relations in 1940 will be reviewed in these pages.
Japanese Foreign Policy
Non-involvement in the European War, which had marked Japanese foreign policy since the outbreak of the hostilities, underwent no change under the new Cabinet of Admiral Mitsumasa Yonai which succeeded, on January 16, to the Abe Cabinet, and its main efforts were concentrated upon the settlement of the China Affair. Thus steps were taken to cope with the progress of the plan for the establishment of the new Central Government in China while keeping a careful watch on European developments and their possible repercussions in this part of the world.
In the meantime, there took place an incident which made the Japanese aware of the possibility of such repercussions. On January 21, the Japanese liner "Asama Maru," which was on her return voyage to Yokohama from Honolulu, was visited off the coast of Baso Peninsula by a British man-of-war, which took the forcible measure of removing 21 German passengers without valid
grounds. Thereupon the Japanese Government, on January 22, lodged a vigorous protest against the British Government through Sir Robert Craigie, British Ambassador at Tokyo, and at the same time carried on negotiations with the British Government through Mr. Mamoru Shigemitsu, Japanese Ambassador at London. On February 5, the British Government stated that it was unable to accept the validity of the legal arguments contained in the Note of the Japanese Government, that as an earnest of its desire to reach an amicable settlement of the case, it was, while reserving all its legal rights, prepared to release nine of these men who are unsuitable for military service. Accordingly, on January 29, these men were handed over to the proper Japanese authorities off the Yokohama harbour and the case was settled.
When the hostilities in Europe spread to Northern Europe and the German advance into the Low Countries was reported as well, Mr. Hachiro Arita, our Foreign Minister, enunciated, on April 15, the policy of the Japanese Government concerning the maintenance of the status quo of the Netherlands East Indies. Thereupon, Mr. van Kleffens, Netherlands Foreign Minister, made it clear that his Government have no intention whatever of altering the status quo.
When the German advance into the Low Countries actually took place on May 10, our Government made representations to Germany, Great Britain and France, expecting them to share the same views with Japan regarding the maintenance of the status quo of the Dutch colony. At the same time the Government called the attention of the neutral countries, the United States and Italy, to its deep concern over any development that would affect the status quo of the islands. To these communications the British Government on May 13, the Netherlands Government on May 15, and the French Government on May 16, respectively, sent replies agreeing to the Japanese views on the question. Subsequently, the Netherlands by the surrender of her army came under the control of Germany, but the status quo of her colony in the East Indies underwent no change.
In the face of the new situation created in Europe by German military successes, it became imperative for Japan to establish the Greater East Asian sphere of common prosperity by enlarging her programme for the construction of a new order in East Asia. Accordingly, she began to negotiate with the Dutch colony for strengthening the economic collaboration of the two countries. In the meantime, the Yonai Cabinet resigned, and on July 22, the second Konoe Cabinet was organized. The new Cabinet decided to send there Mr. Ichizo Kobayashi, Minister of Commerce and
Industry, as a special envoy. Arriving in Batavia on September 11, Mr. Kobayashi commenced negotiations with Mr. van Mook, the chief delegate of the colony, which mission was successfully handed over later to Mr. Kenkichi Yoshizawa, new envoy, who is continuing negotiations there at this writing.
Tripartite Pact
The advent of the second Konoe Cabinet was marked by the start made by the Japanese nation in the establishment of a new national structure capable of meeting the rapid changes in the European situation, in the setting up of a highly organized structure for national defence and also in a volte-face in Japanese national policies, domestic as well as foreign.
An important European development that had a vital bearing upon our position in East Asia was the capitulation of France in June. The Japanese Government took steps, in this connection, to effect a speedy settlement of the China Affair, first by closing the Burma and French Indo-China routes, and then by despatching Japanese forces into the French colony on September 23.
The most significant step, however, was the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact on September 27. The ultimate purpose of the Pact, as has been made clear, is to establish a lasting world peace by ensuring a new order of things wherein every nation of the world will be given each its own proper place. To that end the three countries have agreed to stand by and cooperate with one another in their efforts in Greater East Asia and in Europe, respectively. Thereafter several other countries adhered to the Treaty—Hungary on November 20, Rumania on November 22, and Slovakia on November 23—thereby augmenting its power and influence as the basic factor in the construction of a new world order.
Recognition of the New National Government in China
The movement for establishing a new Central Government had been under way in China since the previous year. On March 12, memorial day for the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Mr. Wang Ching-wei, its leader, proclaimed in Nanking the reconstruction of China through peace and announced the establishment of the New National Government. Accordingly, the Japanese Government enunciated, on March 13, its attitude of positively supporting the new Government. Thereupon, necessary constitutional and legislative
steps were taken by the Chinese leaders to complete the organization of the Government as well as to decide on the policy of adjusting relations with Japan. It was announced, in that connection, that Mr. Wang Ching-wei should act as deputy chairman of the Government until the return to Nanking of Mr. Linsun, who was then in Chungking. On the gala day of April 26, rites were enthusiastically performed in celebration of the return of the capital to Nanking.
To these actions taken by the Chinese leaders, the Japanese Government heartily responded, and despatched to Nanking General Nobuyuki Abe, former Prime Minister, as a special envoy. Since his arrival on April 23, four months had been devoted to negotiations for the purpose, and on November 30, General Abe and Mr. Wang, the plenipotentiaries of the two nations signed the Treaty Concerning the Basic Relations between Japan and China, the Protocol annexed thereto and the Agreed Terms of Understandings, following which the Plenipotentiaries of Japan, Manchoukuo and China signed the Joint Declaration of the three countries. Thus not only relations between Japan and China have been readjusted but also the collaboration between the three countries, including Manchoukuo, were irrevocably affirmed. This was certainly a gigantic stride in the construction of a new East Asia on a basis under which the Greater East Asian sphere of common prosperity might be established.
Anglo-American Collaboration against Japan
As has been stated, with the progress of our programme for East Asia and for the Greater East Asian sphere of common prosperity in particular, activities of the United States and Great Britain relating to the South Seas region by way of counteracting Japanese policy there, as well as those in aid of the Chiang Kai-shek régime became increasingly overt and intense. The result was a growing tension in Anglo-Japanese and Japanese-American relations, from which situation we have not emerged at this writing.
With regard to Japanese-American relations, indications of their aggravation first appeared at the time of the notification, on July 27, 1939, by the United States government of its intention to abrogate, on a six-months' notice, the Japanese-American Treaty of Commerce and Navigation. Despite every effort made by the Japanese authorities to readjust relations, no response was made by the American authorities, with the result that a treatyless situation has been created since January 26, 1940. On the other hand, aid to the
Chungking régime, in the form of a 20,000,000 dollar additional loan was announced, on March 7, by Mr. Jesse Jones, Federal Loans Administrator. A new loan of 25,000,000 dollars made public, on September 25, three days after the publication of the advance of Japanese forces into French Indo-China, by the Export and Import Bank at Washington was no other than another reinforcement to Chungking's strength. After the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact, American aid to the Chiang régime was more and more intensified. Thus, following the signing of the basic treaty between China and Japan, the accommodation of a huge loan amounting to 100,000,000 dollars was published on December 1.
The other type of American policy against Japan took the form of economic measures, which were first seen in the abrogation of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, as has been explained, and later in the ban on exports to Japan. Even prior to the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact, that is, on October 26, President Roosevelt ordered an embargo on exports of scrap iron and steel to Japan, effective as from November 16. Besides, in connection with the aid to be given to Britain, there is in progress a programme for armament expansion on a gigantic scale. There is also a rumour to the effect that the common defence and joint use of naval bases in the Pacific are being considered seriously. Advice given on October 8 for the evacuation of Americans residing in East Asia might have had something to do with the aforementioned American policies.
Following in the American footsteps, the British Dominions and Colonies, such as Canada, India, Malay and others, adopted an embargo on exports of copper, tin and other materials to Japan. The British Government, as if vying with the American loan of 100,000,000 dollars referred to elsewhere, published on December 10, the loan of 10,000,000 pounds to be accommodated to Chungking.
The reopening of the Burma Road to traffic on October 18 must be remembered also as an indication of the British attitude toward Japan. It is recalled that on July 17, the route was closed for three months by the agreement reached on July 17, between Mr. Hachiro Arita, our Foreign Minister, and Sir Robert Craigie, British Ambassador to Japan. The expiration of that term gave an occasion for this British aid to Chungking.
Soviet Russia and Other Countries
The place of the Soviet Union in our foreign relations has of late become increasingly important. Efforts were exerted, therefore, to readjust the relations between the two countries, following the
conclusion of the Nomonhan Truce on September 15, 1939. The signing, on December 31, 1939, of the Protocol concerning the prolongation for one year of the duration of the Japanese-Soviet Fishery Convention1 of January 23, 1928, the meeting in conference, at Harbin, in January, 1940, the Commission on the precise demarkation of the frontier in the Nomonhan area, and the opening of negotiations for a trade agreement in the same month, were the fruits of such efforts. The readjustment of relations in general, however, have since made little progress, and the matter is being taken up again, at this writing, by our new Ambassador at Moscow, Lieutenant-General Yoshitsugu Tatekawa, who was appointed by the Konoe Cabinet after the turn of the tide of affairs following the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact.
With regard to relations with France since her capitulation, most of our negotiations have been related to her colony in Indo-China, whose position might have a vital bearing upon the settlement of the China Affair and consequently upon the construction of the new order in East Asia. Thus a representation was made to the French Government, on June 19, regarding the prohibition of the transportation through French Indo-China of war materials and goods in aid of the Chiang Kai-shek régime, requesting at the same time that the French Government should consent to the dispatch of Japanese inspectors for the purpose of making investigations of actual conditions on the spot. To that request the French Government consented on the following day, and the Japanese Inspection Commission headed by Major General Issaku Nishihara arrived in Hanoi on June 29. Since then negotiations for the readjustment of relations with French Indo-China had been conducted first in Hanoi and then in Tokyo, with the result that a military agreement was reached on September 22. Thereupon Japanese forces advanced into the French colony. Furthermore, the Japanese Government dispatched Mr. Hajime Matsumiya, special envoy, to the colonial capital in October, with a view to promoting economic cooperation in connection with the Greater East Asian sphere of common prosperity, which resulted in the dispatch of a French delegation to Tokyo. At this writing negotiations are going on smoothly and in a most friendly atmosphere in Tokyo.
Our review of the past year will not be complete without mentioning the conclusion, on June 12, of the Treaty between Japan
1 As this goes to press, it is reported that a modus vivendi concerning the fishery question had been signed on January 21, 1940, at Moscow and, at the same time, the appointment of a mixed commission concerning the new treaty which is to be concluded within the present year agreed upon.
and Thailand concerning the continuance of friendly relations and mutual respect of each other's territorial integrity. The furtherance and solidifying of friendly relations with Italy, achieved through sending, in March a mission headed by Mr. Naotake Sato, former Foreign Minister, and the promotion of economic relations between Argentina, Mexico and Spain through the visit of missions from those countries in February, April and July, respectively, must also be noted as no less important diplomatic moves during the year.
In thus looking back upon the major events in our foreign relations during the past year, what looms large as the most vital factor in determining our future action is the move of the United States, under President Roosevelt elected for the third term, in connection not only with Pacific affairs but also with the European War. To comment on this outlook, interesting as it would be, is beyond the scope of the present article. It may be permissible, however, to hope that the wisdom and intelligence of her leaders will prevail over popular excitement and sentimentality and in particular over forces that would ultimately lead to the destruction of human civilization.