It gives me a great pleasure to have this opportunity of explaining at the reopening of the 76th session of the Diet the recent trends in our country's foreign affairs.
Needless to say, the aim of Japan's foreign policy is that of enabling all nations of the world to take their own proper places, in accordance with the spirit of Hakkō Itiu, the very ideal which inspired the foundation of our Empire. The object of the Three-Power Pact concluded between Japan, Germany and Italy on September 27 last is none other than the realization of the same great ideal. We are, one and all, profoundly moved by the Imperial Rescript His Majesty the Emperor was graciously pleased to grant
on the conclusion of the Pact, clearly indicating to the nation the path which they should follow.
The Three-Power Pact stipulates that Germany and Italy recognize and respect the leadership of Japan in the establishment of a new order in Greater East Asia. It is our avowed purpose to bring all the peoples in that region to revert to their inherent and true character, promoting conciliation and cooperation among them, and thereby setting an example of universal concord. The Pact also provides that Japan recognizes and respects the leadership of Germany and Italy in their similar endeavours in Europe. Far from antagonizing any country, the Pact is the embodiment of a peaceful but powerful cooperation directed toward the establishment of a new world order. In accordance with the provisions of the Treaty, arrangements have already been made for setting up mixed commissions at the capitals of the three countries. Friendly relations between the three nations are thus becoming increasingly closer, politically, militarily, economically and culturally. During the month of November last year, the Pact was adhered to by Hungary, Rumania and Slovakia. It need not be repeated that the keynote of Japan's diplomacy is the ideal of Hakkō Itiu and that it revolves round the Three-Power Pact as its axis. In this connection, I should like to touch briefly upon Article 3 of the Three-Power Pact. The article provides that the Contracting Parties undertake to assist one another with all political, economic and military means should one of the Contracting Parties be attacked by a Power at present not involved in the European War or in the Sino-Japanese conflict. In case such an attack should be made, the obligation stipulated by this article would, of course, fall upon us. Reference may be made, in passing, to Italy's military operations. There appear to be various species of malicious propaganda circulated on this subject, but I have no doubt that Italy, our ally, will attain her objective before long.
Of the nations in Greater East Asia, Manchoukuo has special and inseparable relations with this country. As you are aware, during the 10 years which have already elapsed since her emergence as an independent nation, her national foundations have become strong and secure while her international position has been greatly enhanced, and her people have been enjoying an increasing measure of prosperity. In June last year, the Emperor of Manchoukuo paid a visit to Japan to offer His felicitations personally to our Imperial House on the auspicious occasion of the 2,600th anniversary of the foundation of our Empire. This is a source of genuine congratulation for the people of Japan and Manchoukuo, as it is a conspicuous manifestation of the unique relations existing between the two
nations, sharing, as they do, common aims and aspirations. By the Sino-Japanese Basic Treaty concluded with the National Government at Nanking, and by the Joint Declaration made by Japan, Manchoukuo and China, the Republic of China recognized Manchoukuo, with the result that an exchange of ambassadors has been arranged between them.
Inasmuch as an early settlement of the China Affair is desirable for the establishment of the sphere of common prosperity throughout Greater East Asia, our present Government, ever since its formation, have urged the Chiang Kai-shek régime to reconsider and reverse its attitude, with a view to bringing about its amalgamation with the Nanking Government; but it persists in struggling against Japan. The Chiang régime, however, is riddled with internal disruption and friction which are rapidly growing acute, while the masses under its control are suffering from high prices, a dearth of commodities and other hardships and privations. While the armed resistance of Chiang's régime has notably declined, the Chinese Communist troops have greatly gained in influence, with the result that they are steadily encroaching upon the sphere of influence of Chungking's armies. The leader in Chungking now seems to be greatly harassed by the growing strength and outlawry of the Communist forces. Despite its being in such a miserable plight, the Chiang régime is still advocating national reconstruction through its continued resistance against Japan. This is due to its misplaced hopes in assistance from Great Britain and the United States, especially the latter, and also to the force of past circumstances from which that régime can not easily escape. In June last year, Great Britain temporarily suspended the traffic of goods destined for the Chiang régime through the Hongkong and Burma routes. On October 18 of the same year, however, following the announcement of the Three-Power Pact, that country reopened the Burma route and has since been trying to transport goods by that route. Furthermore, Great Britain recently granted the Chiang régime a 100,000,000 pound sterling loan, while about the same time the United States, too, offered a loan of 100,000,000 dollars. The latter country is now endeavouring to extend assistance to Great Britain on a large scale by mobilizing her entire resources; while on the other hand, the Burma route is being frequently and seriously damaged by the successful activities of our loyal and gallant air forces. It seems highly doubtful, therefore, what aid Great Britain and the United States can actually afford the Chiang régime. In the light of such an international situation, the Japanese Government, in pursuance of their fixed policy, recognized the National Government at Nanking
and on November 30 of last year concluded with the latter the Sino-Japanese Basic Treaty. This Treaty embodies the three basic principles of good neighbourliness, economic cooperation and joint defence against Communist activities. It stipulates that both Japan and China respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and undertake close economic cooperation on the basis of equality and reciprocity, and that Japanese forces be stationed in certain specified areas in Mengchiang and North China. Not only does Japan demand no territorial cession and no indemnities, but she has willingly pledged to China a policy of abolishing extraterritoriality and also of restoring the “concessions” to China. This is an eloquent testimony of her sincere desire for the attainment of a moral union of the Asiatic peoples. Now that the Basic Treaty has been signed and the Joint Declaration by Japan, Manchoukuo and China issued, it is incumbent upon us to concentrate our efforts on assisting the Nanking Government to develop into the Government of China both in name and in fact. We have thus been taking an attitude of surmounting all obstacles for the purpose of establishing a sphere of co-prosperity throughout Greater East Asia with Japan, Manchoukuo and China as the nucleus and mainstay.
Let me now make a brief survey of our relations with the Netherlands East Indies, French Indo-China and Thailand, which lie within the aforementioned sphere of common prosperity.
The Netherlands East Indies and French Indo-China, if only for geographical reasons, should be in an intimate and inseparable relationship with our country. Therefore, the situation which has hitherto thwarted the development of this natural relationship must be thoroughly remedied, and relations of good neighbourliness secured for the promotion of mutual prosperity. With this in view, early in September last, the Government despatched Mr. Ichizo Kobayashi, Minister of Commerce and Industry, to the Netherlands East Indies as a special envoy. When a definite stage had been reached in his negotiations with the Netherlands East Indies authorities concerning the purchase of oil and other urgent questions, Mr. Kobayashi was obliged to return to Japan by circumstances preventing his prolonged stay there. As his successor, the Government have recently sent to the islands Mr. Kenkichi Yoshizawa, formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs. He has already resumed the negotiations with the Netherlands East Indies authorities.
As regards French Indo-China, it formed the most important route of supply for Chungking since the beginning of the China Affair. Consequent, however, upon the sudden change in the
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European situation last June, a change has occurred in the relations between Japan and French Indo-China, resulting in the closure of the border between that French colony and China itself, and in the entry, by agreement, of Japanese armed forces into the colony. Negotiations are now in progress in Tokyo in an amicable atmosphere on the basis of the Notes exchanged between the French Ambassador and myself in August last. It is my opinion that a realization, on the part of France, of the necessity for cooperation with Japan, in the light of the new situation in the world in general and in East Asia in particular, is responsible for this development.
In connection with the French Indo-China question, I should like to refer to the relations between our country and Thailand. It may be recalled that at the General Assembly of the League of Nations dealing with the Manchurian Affair, in 1933, the Thai delegate did not leave the Assembly hall but remained in his seat, and boldly announced his abstention from voting. This is still fresh in the memory of our people.
In June last year, a treaty of amity and neutrality was concluded by Japan with Thailand. With the exchange of ratifications, completed on December 23 at Bangkok, the bonds of friendship between the two countries have been drawn closer. A movement is now stirring the Thai people for the recovery of the lost territories which are at present incorporated in French Indo-China. The Thai troops are confronting the French Indo-China forces across the border with frequent conflicts occurring between them. Japan as the leader in East Asia, cannot afford to remain indifferent to such a dispute, which, she hopes, will be settled at an earliest possible date.
An exchange of diplomatic representatives has taken place between Japan and Australia. We hope that the two countries will make contributions toward the promotion of peace in the Pacific by furthering their cordial relations through friendly cooperation and the elimination of unnecessary misunderstandings.
The relations between Japan and Near Eastern Countries have recently increased in cordiality. Our ratification of the Treaty of Amity with Iran is only one of many proofs that illustrate this happy state of affairs.
Japan and Argentina have agreed to elevate the status of their Legations in each other's country to that of Embassies. With Brazil, a cultural agreement was signed in September last, and it has already been sanctioned by His Majesty the Emperor. Relations between Japan and Brazil are thus growing more and more cordial. It is a matter for hearty congratulation that Japan and those Latin
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American countries have of recent years become increasingly closer in their political, economic and cultural relations.
While these diplomatic relations have taken such a favourable turn, the development of the European war has obliged us to suspend or temporarily withdraw some of our diplomatic establishments in that region. But Japan's diplomatic service abroad is being steadily strengthened on the principle of priority ; in particular we are reinforcing our diplomatic machinery in Greater East Asia.
In establishing a sphere of common prosperity throughout Greater East Asia and ensuring the peace of the Orient, it is not desirable that the present diplomatic relations between Japan and the Soviet Union should be left as they are. The utmost efforts are being made, therefore, to remove mutual misunderstandings and, if possible, to bring about a fundamental and far-reaching adjustment of diplomatic relations. We are pursuing negotiations at this moment upon such questions as the frontier demarcation between Manchoukuo and Outer Mongolia, the fisheries, and the Japanese concessions in North Saghalien. Regarding the fisheries question in particular, an agreement of views has already been reached concerning the establishment of a mixed commission composed of Japanese and Soviet representatives for the purpose of revising the long-term treaty and also concerning the conclusion of a modus vivendi for the fishing industry for this year. On this point both Germany and Italy share Japan's desire. The provisions of Article 5 of the Three-Power Pact make it clear, in accordance with the aforementioned intentions of Japan, that the Pact is not directed against the Soviet Union. We earnestly hope that the Soviet Union will understand Japan's true intentions and that the two countries, actuated by the spirit of mutual concession and conciliation, will succeed in achieving the readjustment of their relations.
Japan's foreign trade, with the exception of Manchoukuo and China, is conducted mostly with Great Britain, the United States and their respective colonies and possessions. Since notifying Japan of the abrogation of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation in July, 1939, the United States has been enforcing, in succession, embargoes or restrictions on the exports to Japan of aircraft, arms and ammunition, aviation gasoline, machine tools, scrap iron, iron and steel manufactures, copper, nickel, and other important war materials, while the British Dominions and colonies are in various ways interfering with Japan's shipping. The Japanese Government have lodged protests against such actions on each occasion, and yet this tendency has recently been so greatly aggravated that Japan must meet the situation adequately prepared. No other course is left to
her but to go forward, perfecting herself as a State highly organized for national defence, not only in order to meet this pressure that I have referred to but also to ensure economic self-sufficiency within the region of Greater East Asia.
In this connection, I should like to refer to our relations with the United States. The United States has evinced no adequate understanding of the fact that the establishment of a sphere of common prosperity throughout Greater East Asia is truly a matter of vital concern to Japan. She apparently entertains an idea that her own first line of national defence, on the east, lies along the mid-Atlantic and, on the west, not only along the eastern Pacific, but even as far as China and the South Seas. If the United States assumes such an attitude, it would be, to say the least, a very one-sided contention on her part, and would cast reflections on our position of superiority in the Western Pacific, thus intimating that it betokens ambitious designs on our part. I, for one, believe that such a position assumed by the United States would not contribute toward the promotion of world peace. Speaking frankly, I extremely regret such an attitude of the United States for the sake of Japanese-American friendship, for the sake of peace in the Pacific and, also, for the sake of the peace of the world. It is my earnest hope that a great nation that is exerting such a tremendous influence in the world as the United States will realize her responsibility for the maintenance of peace, will reflect deeply on her attitude with fear of God, that is, true piety, will courageously liquidate the state of things created by the force of past circumstances and put forth her utmost efforts toward overcoming the impending crisis of civilization.
The prevailing confusion of the international situation shows no sign of subsiding, but on the contrary, it tends to increase. Should the United States unfortunately become involved in the European war, and should Japan, too, be compelled to participate in the conflict, another great World War both in name and reality would ensue, precipitating a situation which would defy all attempt at saving it. Should the war take its furious course, unleashing formidable new weapons which have not hitherto been used, no one could guarantee that it would not develop into a war spelling the downfall of modern civilization. The Three-Power Pact has been concluded for the purpose not only of making sustained efforts for the establishment of a sphere of common prosperity throughout Greater East Asia, but of preventing, in the course of such efforts, any further aggravation of the present disturbances. We must endeavour to terminate the current war as speedily as possible and
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to put an end to the chaos in which the world is plunged. We must, meanwhile, study in advance to discover some formula avoiding the recurrence of any such disturbance in future.
With an unbroken line of the Emperors reigning since its foundation, our Empire constitutes a unique family-State unparalleled in the world for unity and solidarity, growing stronger with every national emergency. It is reassuring, moreover, to observe that the Japanese Empire is endowed with the most favourable geographical conditions, powerful enough to influence the course of world politics. With the conviction of our race that Light radiates from the East and with the great ideal of Hakkō Itiu, we must put forth our highest efforts in the momentous task of establishing a new world order which is the object of the tripartite Pact. That we shall succeed in this regard I have not the slightest doubt. If we are fully prepared for this task under these circumstances, the future of our Empire, I firmly believe, is full of promise.
In concluding my address, I respectfully pay my tribute to the spirits of those loyal and valiant officers and men, our compatriots, who have fallen in action, and at the same time, I tender my warm thanks to our Fighting Services who are enduring many hardships and privations, and extend to them my most sincere wishes for every success in the field.