I have the privilege of reviewing on this occasion the latest developments in the foreign relations of this country.
We are all gratified to watch the rapid restoration of peaceful conditions in the Shanghai area, following the conclusion on May 5th of the
Sino-Japanese Agreemnt for the cessation of hostilities, I may say that in the course of the negotiations leading up to this Agreement we encountered not a few difficulties, and that the earnest labours of the British Minister to China and the representatives of other friendly Powers on the spot, as well as our own attitude of fairness and rectitude, largely contributed to the final happy outcome. And I desire to avail myself of this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to the officers and men of our army and navy who fought in the Shanghai area and rendered signal service to our fatherland. I also desire to express my profound sympathy with the victims of the bombing incident of April 29th, and particularly my infinite grief at the death of General Shirakawa, commander-in-chief of the Expeditionary Force.
According to the terms of the Agreement the Chinese troops are to remain at a prescribed distance from Shanghai, and the Chinese forces are to cease as far as it lies within their power, all hostile actions in Shanghai and its vicinity. Should the action of the Chinese army give occasion for apprehension, the representatives of the four Powers, Great Britain, the U.S.A., France and Italy, are to ascertain the situation. As long as these terms of the Argeement are observed, there is little likelihood, for the present at least, that any fresh disturbances will be caused by Chinese soldiers in the Shanghai district. In these circumstances it has been decided to call home the whole of our military forces relying, as stated in the declaration by the Minister of War, published on May 11th, upon the operation of the Agreement and upon such action as the friendly Powers shall take in order to insure permanent peace at Shanghai. I am sure that the complete withdrawal of our troops will demonstrate, as nothing else could, the truth of the repeated declarations of our Government as to the absence of any political design in our recent expeditions. However, it is only the terms for ending hostilities between the Chinese and Japanese forces that have so far been arranged. No measures have yet been taken to establish permanent peace in the Shanghai district. It is absolutely necessary to take further steps in order to establish such conditions as will enable both Chinese and foreigners in Shanghai to live in safety and to pursue their business in peace if the prosperity of this great international metropolis built up by their peaceful labours for many decades is to be maintained. Indeed, if that city could be freed from the menace of such sporadic disturbances of various kinds as have occurred time and again in the past, it would prove a boon not only to its residents Chinese and foreign, but also to China and all the Powers interested in China. I cannot therefore but look eagerly forward to an early opening and complete success of the Round Table Conference, which is desired by the Japanese Goverment and which was contemplated in the resolution of the Council of the League of Nations adopted with the concurrence of China on February 29th.
In Manchuria we note that the new state is making steady progress with fresh zeal and a resolute will. I am well aware of the great interest which is naturally mainfested by our people in the future of Manchukuo, and I believe that it is no longer possible to ignore the existence of that state in any international readjustments which may be made with reference to the Manchurian Incident. I believe that it is of the utmost importance for the tranquilly of the Far East as well as for the restoration of peace and prosperity in Manchuria that the new state should attain a healthy growth. Only the new government has not yet reached the stage at which it can command sufficient resources for the restoration of order, while the activities of soldier bandits and other lawless elements, often instigated from outside, are extremely difficult to suppress. Consequently, our troops in Manchuria are compelled to extend functions of the new government and to guard against any eventualities that might endanger the lives and property of our countrymen or eventuate in general disturbances on a major scale. Our profound thanks are due to the military and police forces, serving in Manchuria in the face of constant danger day and night and at the risk of their lives.
Precedents can easily be drawn from the history of other countries to show that political changes such as have taken place in Manchuria are bound to be accompanied by activities on the part of malcontents and lawless elements, even where no external instigation comes into play, and it takes some time in such cases before the governmental machinery of the new state can be fully set in order. I am strongly opposed to any impatient and impetuous attitude toward the progress of events in Manchuria. It is essential to give it time, and to address oneself to effecting a sure solution of the problems with which we are confronted.
In the course of the present affair it became necessary for the Japanese army to operate against soldier bandits in North Manchuria for the protection of Japanese residents there. That we have always paid due respect to the legitimate
rights and interests of the Soviet Union in that region, and have taken scrupulous care not to infringe or injure them, is clearly proved by the conduct of our army. Moreover, the Japanese Government have repeatedly assured the Soviet Government as to the true motive of our advance to the North, which does not extend beyond the protection of Japanese life and property. I am certain that the Moscow Government fully appreciate our position. Nevertheless, there are some who talk as though there were danger of war between Japan and Russia as a sequel to the Manchurian Incident. I am sure I can appeal to the good sense and discernment of our people not to be misled by such rumours.
The League of Nations, as you know, maintained a close watch over developments at Shanghai. During a temporary deadlock in the negotiations for the cessation of hostilities, the action of China, who laid the matter before the League, produced various complications. Nevertheless, as the success of the negotiations became practically assured, the League decided to tide over the crisis by relying upon the progress of affairs on the spot. On April 30th an extraordinary session of the Assembly was convoked, at which a resolution inviting a speedy settlement of the Shanghai negotiations was adopted, and matters were brought to a close. The Japanese Government, as they had previously entered a protest with regard to the application to the Sino-Japanese disputes of Article XV of the Covenant, expounded the stand thus taken up and abstained from voting on the resolution.
As regards the commission of the League which is engaged in conducting an investigation on the spot, we are extending to it all possible facilities at our disposal in order to help its members to fulfil their mission. I sincerely hope that the commissioners will form a correct and fair conception of the actual conditions of China and of Manchuria.
The outstanding issue, besides the Sino-Japanese Affairs, in our foreign relations to-day, is the matter of international political and economic readjustment. The Disarmament Conference which has been in session since last February, is largely concerned with this problem. This being the first great conference ever convened to deal with the problem of disarmament in general, covering land, sea and air forces, it is expected that its deliberations will last for some time. The Japanese Government intend to insist on their own points in accordance with their settled policy, and it is our sincere hope that the Conference will achieve the desired results in the interest of world economy and peace.
Finally, in regard to our economic relations with other countries, it cannot be denied that owing to the adoption by every country, in order to protect its own industries, of various measures without parallel in the past serious obstacles have been put in the way of all international trade. The Government of Japan have spared no efforts towards removing in as great a degree as possible the barriers to our foreign trade. I am happy to report that within the present year we have concluded a trade convention and a tariff agreement with Portugal and with French Indo-China respectively. Portugal is a country with which, since 1911, we have had no commercial treaty, and our trade with that country suffered accordingly, Japan being placed in a disadvantageous position as compared with other Powers. Arduous negotiations fructified at last in the trade convention of March this year, which has since come into actual operation. With French Indo-China, in spite of her being our very near neighbour, we had no agreement on customs tariffs—the most important key to trade—since as long ago as the year 1896. It was only in the course of last year that the various obstacles that had protracted the negotiations between the authorities concerned in Japan and France one by one began to be overcome, with the result that a convention was signed on May 13th this year which is calculated greatly to facilitate commerce between Japan and Indo-China and to strengthen the economic ties between the two countries. Both these conventions are to be hailed as signal contributions towards the promotion of international unity and friendship.
The world is suffering to-day from countless ills, of which economic depression is the most acute. Japan, undergoing the ordeal along with other Powers, faces many a problem which awaits an international solution. The future of our foreign relations is beset with grave difficulties, and national unity and solidarity are needed now more than ever before. In dealing with this difficult situation, let me plead for the support and co-operation of you all, and I shall do the best I can.