I am deeply moved as I speak to you today in Tokyo, the capital of your great country. I studied in your country 38 years ago. My stay then was short, and due particularly to my limited abilities I could not master your language and learning. However, if, fortunately, I know something, I owe it to my old teachers and classmates. I can never forget what they have done for me. To have been able to come to your great country again and meet you, the people of Japan, is like meeting my old teachers and classmates and I am filled with the warm feeling.
It was in November, 17 years ago, that the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the father of new China, spoke on "Pan-Asianism"—it became, in reality, the last address of Dr. Sun. On that occasion, unfortunately, I was not able to be with our great leader, so that I was not given the privilege of hearing that memorable address. When, however, I landed in Kobe on my present visit, I could not but recall his far-sightedness and enlightened views on Sino-Japanese relations and on the future of East Asia. I was overwhelmed with deep emotion when I thought of the fact that Dr. Sun died before his hopes had been realized.
In June, just two years ago, I came up to Tokyo. At that time, I traveled from Chungking to Hanoi, from Hanoi to Shanghai, and thence to Tokyo. The purpose of my visit was to exchange views with your Government leaders regarding the successful disposal of the present Affair and the establishment of closer Sino-Japanese relations, and thereby to expedite the reconstruction of East Asia.
The circumstances were then such that I was prevented from seeing you. It certainly gives me great pleasure to be given this occasion of speaking to you tonight. On the other hand, when I think of the fact that the Affair has not yet been brought to a close and the ideal of general peace has not been realized, I feel that my responsibility is grave and that the task I have embarked upon is by no means an easy one. Thus emotions throng my heart. Let me lay before you tonight all that is in my heart and mind.
When the slogan of "the construction of a new order in East Asia" was heard in your country, our people found a gleam of hope in the darkness. When the Konoe Statement was issued, in particular, how the two nations can cooperate was made clearly and concretely known to us, and we have been led to take steps looking to the realization of the hope.
The significance of the construction of a new order in East Asia lies, on the one hand, in endeavouring to eliminate from East Asia the evils of Western economic imperialism from which this part of the world has suffered for the past century and, on the other, in checking the rising tide of Communism which has been threatening our prosperity for these twenty years. Japan was the only country in the East who could shoulder the responsibility for such undertakings single-handed. Although we have Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Pan-Asianism, his followers and compatriots have failed to make united efforts for the attainment of that ideal.
There may be many causes for the recent unfortunate conflict between our two countries. If, however, we examine ourselves as to why we have failed in our efforts to purge the country of the evils of Western economic imperialism and to check the tide of Communism, thereby leaving the country to deteriorate into a semi-colonial status and the people in the deepest distress, we can not but blame themselves. When we heard of the slogan of the construction of a new order in East Asia put forth by Japan, we immediately opened our eyes to the fact that it was no time for quarreling among ourselves, and realized that we should revert to our essential character founded upon the moral principles of the East, breaking down the old order consisting of a chain of pressures brought to bear upon us by economic imperialism and Communism, and establish a new order based on independence, freedom, co-existence and co-prosperity. China could not but hesitate to take up such a heavy responsibility
when she thought of her limited spiritual and material resources. Moreover, the condition in which she found herself were too difficult for her to readily undertake such a heavy responsibility. This hesitation, however, was overcome when she heard the Konoe Statement; she knew for the first time that Japan had already surmounted such difficulties on behalf of China.
The most important significance of the Konoe Statement, I believe, lies in the fact that Japan will give aid to China in providing such conditions as are necessary for her development into a modern State if China herself will participate with determination and sincerity in the construction of a new order in East Asia. The reason why Japan adopted this definite policy was that if Japan and China unite and proceed with the construction, it will result not only in the establishment of permanent peace between the two countries but also in the reconstruction of East Asia. Furthermore, it will not merely bring the two countries into a more intimate relationship but serve to correct the views held by China regarding Manchoukuo. Thus the three countries of Japan, China and Manchoukuo can go straight ahead unitedly with the task of constructing a new East Asian order. Under these circumstances differences in points of view will immediately disappear. Accordingly China has now come to take cognizance of two important facts: one is that the construction of a new East Asian order is identical with the Pan-Asianism advocated by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the other that the construction of the new order and of the Republic of China should be completed at the same time. In other words, unless China gains real independence and freedom, she can not share with Japan the responsibility for the establishment of the new order; and if China seeks complete independence and freedom, she must expect success in the construction of the new order.
The patriotism of the Chinese people born of and based upon nationalism and the idea of East Asia arising from Pan-Asianism should be fused into one. From now on, China must not go astray; she should love herself, love Japan and love East Asia. Spiritually, China must share joys and sorrows with Japan and materially she and Japan should unite in supplementing each other and sharing the joint responsibility for the construction of a new East Asian order following Japan's lead. This coincides with the principles underlying a movement for cooperation of East Asiatic peoples launched
recently in China, the principles outlined in terms of political independence, military alliance, economic cooperation and cultural collaboration. By this I am referring to the movement for the East Asia Federation. In view of the fact that general peace has not as yet been established, I can not say that this view is representative of the whole of the Chinese people, but I can justly claim that this way of thinking prevails among its most enlightened classes. For these reasons the Sino-Japanese Basic Treaty was concluded last year. This year we must translate the Treaty into action.
My friends, I have come to meet you, to shake hands with you, and to lay before you my heart, representing a great number of the most enlightened elements of the Chinese people who love China, love Japan and love East Asia. The most enlightened classes of the Chinese people are now resolved to shake hands with you, cooperate with you and to follow your lead, with firm determination and full courage, in order to construct the new order based upon moral principles by eradicating economic imperialism and Communism. Let us join hands and proceed with the task. In this connection, I cannot but think of general peace. The true value of general peace lies not only in the termination of the hostilities but in the concentration of our spiritual and material resources on the establishment of a new East Asian order. The sooner general peace is attained, the more sustained efforts will be directed by the two countries toward the creation of a new order in this part of the globe.
There are in existence in our part of the world two evil influences called economic imperialism and Communism, which I have repeatedly referred to. The former of these evils has during the past one hundred years struck its roots deep in the minds of the people and a section of the people are still under its narcotic influence. Tempted by its sweetness, Chungking is continuing its meaningless war of resistance. Communism, on the other hand, has the idea only of class and not of the fatherland. Its leaders, however, employ subtle stratagems, such as replacing the slogan of class struggle by that of the people's united front. They have taken advantage of Chungking's war of resistance to consolidate their base of activity in the northwestern area of China and are busy day and night spreading their evil influence all over the country. These two principles, economic imperialism and Communism, are essentially incompatible with each other, but at present they have been united under the slogan of the war of
resistance. These evil influences were nurtured in the old order, and it is quite natural that they should uphold the old order and block the task of creating the new.
General peace has yet to be restored in China. For this we, leaders of the National Government of China, are responsible. It must be borne in mind that those aforementioned forces whose destruction is essential to the restoration of general peace in China are more strongly entrenched than is generally supposed. They are united not only with each other but also with foreign influences. The existence of these forces is really the principal reason for the delay in the establishment of general peace in our country.
Of late, voices have been raised in Japan advocating a policy of helping the National Government of China to strengthen its position. Why is the National Government to be bolstered up? The reason is not far to seek. A strengthened National Government can do away with the forces which are working against the establishment of general peace in China, which is essential for the construction of the new order. Japan is engaged in large scale military operations against the Chungking Government. While this state of affairs lasts, it will be no easy thing for the National Government to substantially strengthen its position. I am well aware of the difficulty, but however difficult it may be, if general peace is to be restored in China speedily and if the resources of Japan and China are to be mobilized to construct the new order, it is unqualifiedly necessary to strengthen the National Government so that it may fully cooperate with Japan. I feel compelled to ask Japan to render the largest possible political and economic aid to our Government. Such aid will be in the interest not only of China but also of Japan and of the whole of East Asia.
The strengthening of the National Government will have, I am sure, an important effect upon the minds of the Chinese people. We say very often that general peace can be realized only through the realization of local peace. For, if we establish peace in political and economic terms within the area under our control and show it to the entire nation as an example so that they may realize that peace does not exist merely in theory but in fact which has been created on the basis of theory, they will gradually come to have confidence in peace, with the result that the peace area will expand.
I do not doubt that the majority of the people, excluding those
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who are content to become defenders and supporters of the two evil forces, are hoping for peace. They are under the pressure and influence of existing circumstances and are prevented from believing that such a hope may turn out to be a fact, though they entertain such a hope. Therefore, if we are able to show the fact of peace before their eyes and to gain their confidence through our ceaseless efforts, their zeal and courage for the realization of peace will mount and general peace will be realized within a short period.
I and my colleagues in the National Government of China have never failed to examine ourselves constantly as to our responsibilities for increasing our strength; and at the same time we are making efforts to induce Chungking leaders to join in the peace movement. As a matter of fact, we have been and are ceaselessly making every effort to induce them through various channels to join us in the peace movement; we will continue to do so in the future.
I should like to add that not only number but also quality is important in the development of the peace movement. The basic objective of peace is to realize Pan-Asianism and to establish a new order in East Asia. In our efforts to attain that objective the peace movement should be purified in quality as it grows in numbers; its quality should not be changed or weakened by an increase in numbers. Not to give economic imperialism any chance to recover its influence and not to give Communism an opportunity to succeed are two main points which we should not neglect.
I was deeply moved when I paid a visit to His Imperial Majesty the Emperor, who granted me His gracious words concerning Sino-Japanese friendship. Yesterday Prime Minister Prince Konoe and I issued a joint statement as a result of our conversations for several days. We are firmly determined to strive hereafter for the accomplishment of the purpose in accordance with the statement. I want to tell you tonight of this inflexible determination of mine, and taking this occasion I want to express my deep appreciation of your expectations for our future and for your warmest sympathy for and powerful aid to our cause. Certainly I am moved by your kindness; I shall never forget to the end of my life all that you have done for me. At the same time, however, I cannot but be ashamed to think of the fact of how little I have accomplished; I am not worthy of all your kindness. Only let me take back with me your kindness and sympathy to the people at home, so that they may fully appreciate
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your earnest wishes for Sino-Japanese friendship. All our people will unite with you, I am sure, for the performance of the high task to which the peoples of East Asia are called. My friends, no one knows what new developments may take place tomorrow in the international situation. Whatever happens, the attitude of our two countries to reconstruct East Asia in the friendly relationship of co-existence and co-prosperity will be forever unchangeable.
In conclusion, let me wish you health and prosperity. Banzai for the Empire of Japan! Banzai for the Republic of China!