Dastardly, Diabolic, Secret, Silent and Deadly Saboteurs

It’s almost like he’s kidding, but surely a professional writer would know that sarcasm doesn’t translate to the page, right? NPR’s Linton Weeks wrote:

Just a few months ago a couple of forestry workers in Lumby, British Columbia — about 250 miles north of the U.S. border — happened upon a 70-year-old Japanese balloon bomb.

The dastardly contraption was one of thousands of balloon bombs launched toward North America in the 1940s as part of a secret plot by Japanese saboteurs. To date, only a few hundred of the devices have been found — and most are still unaccounted for.

The plan was diabolic. At some point during World War II, scientists in Japan figured out a way to harness a brisk air stream that sweeps eastward across the Pacific Ocean — to dispatch silent and deadly devices to the American mainland.

The article goes on from there to describe, in oddly positive language, some of the technical details of this project: “ingenious” and “amazing” and “a piece of art” are invoked, presumably because nobody today has any idea how to make anything other than by ordering kits from Amazon,  and no appreciation for the creativity humanity has always displayed when trying to kill other humans.

Lagging

Mohammad Fadel, in Islamic Monthly (h/t Naheed Mustafa) chides critics of Islam who take contemporary Western ideals of egalitarianism and personal freedom as their measure, saying:

In this respect, Maher and Harris reflect the all too common historical amnesia common among liberals, who are too quick to forget the recentness of the egalitarian achievements of the liberal West — many of which only came into existence as part of the post-World War II settlement and have yet to become settled social realities, even among the relatively privileged — and too slow to acknowledge the radical changes that have taken place in most Muslim countries and even Islamic discourse regarding issues such as gender equality over the last one hundred years.

I’m struck by the similarity to something that I emphasize in my Japan and China classes, drawing on something I’m pretty sure Al Craig said to me in a seminar: in the 19th century, discourses on Asia and Africa as ‘lagging’ or ‘uncivilized’ depended a great deal on technological and attitudinal differences with “The West” (very broadly understood) that were actually very recent changes. When Japan reformed its educational and political systems in the late 19th century, it drew on ideas like constitutionalism and public education which were very recent developments. The legal systems studied by Ito Hirobumi in Europe were, for the most part, a few decades old in their present form. The public educational systems studied by Tanaka Fujimaro in the US and Europe were a few decades old, if that. (Only the French system really had any kind of historical depth; the others were newcomers or not yet fully formed national public systems)

William Gibson famously said “The future is here; it’s just not evenly distributed.” This is a problem only when people forget it and begin assigning value to people and social systems based on this distribution. One of the most interesting things about history, I’m starting to realize, is the uneven distribution and adoption of ideas, the creative way in which people ‘remix’ cultures and technologies to suit their own purposes.

(Yes, I should be working on my syllabi and LMS set-up. But if I’m going to get back to blogging, I have to strike while the iron’s hot!)

 

The cult of Madame Chiang

Chiang Kai-shek used his wife Soong Mei-ling, as an important part of his attempts to reach out to the Americans and encourage them to see China as a modern nation worthy of their aid in the war with the Japanese.

One excellent example of her image comes from the New York Times. Sept 2, 1937. A un-named Western scribe was brought into the office of Madame Chiang “the chief of China’s air force” (which she was not, although she was the head of one of the aviation committees). Needless to say, her office reflected “both her American college education and her Chinese military training.” She had not only a portable typewriter and two machine guns taken from a Japanese plane, but also a portrait of Jesus and a box of American chocolates.

“Heedless of danger, she watches every Japanese air raid on the capital from an observation post in the open air. Frequently she directs the city’s anti-aircraft defense. Her orders send fleet pursuit ships aloft to harry Japanese bombers.” Of course, in the evening she retires for a half-hour of prayer with her husband.

It’s not a tremendously important article, but it is a nice little example of Chinese propaganda’s presentation of Madame as a Christian Action Girl

 

Modern media culture was born in China. In 1931.

Did you know that Charles Lindbergh, the biggest media star of the 1930’s, went to China? Well, I didn’t. He was there in 1931, after he had become the Lone Eagle, and thus famous, and before the kidnapping and his more public decent into crypto-fascism. He never seems to have liked fame much, and this is right at the point where he was perhaps finding out how unpleasant it could be, although it was about to get a lot worse.

He was in China because he was pioneering the Great Circle route to Asia in his floatplane. Unlike the people who become famous and then sit around at banquets talking about it, he remaied an aviation pioneer.

I have not yet read his wife’s book on the trip, but I suspect that one of the reasons he used a floatplane was that he was flying into places where you could not count on such mod cons as a working airfield, and might have to make do with an open body of water. In fact, when he arrived in Nanjing there were so many boats waiting to greet him on the river that he was forced to divert into the “Lotus Lake” which might be Xunwu Lake. Once in China he continued he pioneering work, offering to conduct an aerial survey of the areas hit by the Yangzi flood of 1931. You can see some of his pictures here. Here is more on the flood, from an excellent site on the floods and the rebuilding.

The thing that brought this to my attention was his crash in China. Here he is after tipping his plane in the Yangzi river.

Lindy-China-NYT

I love this picture. I suppose the Colonel could have just let someone else dive in and attach cables to his plane, but looking at him I suspect he was happy to be doing it. When he arrived in China he skipped the welcoming banquet that had been planned for him to get right back in the air and begin surveying flood damage. I have not been to a lot of banquets held in my honor, but I can imagine they would get old pretty quick. Getting back to flying and fixing airplanes must have been nice. Sadly, even barefoot and in a t-shirt his fame followed him. When he was taking off, every crew member of HMS Hermes who owned a camera was waiting to take a picture of him, and there were plenty of shots of the recovery, if not the crash. This, of course, was media gold. Hallett Abend, one of the Old China Hand reporters, relates that the commander of the Hermes confiscated the pictures and offered to sell them to the press, with the proceeds supposedly going to fund a hospital bed, although that seems not to have happened. Abend ended up paying $US 5,000 for the pictures, which is about $78,000 in today’s money. Not a lot compared to what you could get today for pics of Tiger Woods wrecking his car, but still a good example of how modern media culture can track you anywhere. Assuming, of course, that you are worth tracking. Nowadays global media culture is a bit quicker – Abend sent his negatives both by air across the Pacific and by train through Siberia. The event happened on Oct. 2, and the pictures did not make the Times until Oct 29, but the basic idea is the same.

Getting up in the air and getting away from it all must have seemed nice, but the trip also showed Lindy how limited that could be. He could fly over the floods, and was actually helpful in showing that they were bigger than anyone thought, but he wanted to actually help, i.e. return to earth and actually do something. He landed a few times, but at least once, the result was almost disastrous. He and J. Heng Liu, head of China’s public health administration landed at “Hinghwa” in Jiangbei and were besieged and almost sunk by refugees in need not of their cargo of  medicine, (which an airplane might carry in useful amounts) but of food. His wife related the story in a radio address carried by the New York Times Feb. 22, 1932. If you want a nice quote on the limits of technology and the inability of the First World to fix the Third, this is it.

“We’re going to start the engine,” shouted out the doctor in Chinese. “If you don’t get back, you’ll all be killed.”

An old woman sat immovable in the front row of boats. “What does it matter?” she asked sullenly, “we have nothing.”

But with the first few explosions of the engine the crowd backed away. the big plane pushed out slowly, trailing a tail of boats until at last it took off straight ahead, regardless of wind-direction-straight ahead over fences and tree-tops and collapsed roofs, anything to get away. Now they were free, high above the black swarm of sampans.

I do not know how those people felt when they saw a last hope disappear into the sky or what those other millions felt who saw us fly over their desolate country. I know, though, that I had a kind of horror that I should be so near to them and have the power of escaping so easily from their misery.

Heroes and big swords in Shanghai

The 1932 Shanghai War produced its share of heroes, since any war needs heroes, both for domestic and foreign consumption. I just found two stories of a Chinese hero known to his foreign admirers as “Charlie Chan.” Rhodes Farmer, an Australian reporter, mentioned him in his Shanghai Harvest: Three Years in the China War. He was “Shanghai’s most famous rooftop guerrilla, and the first Chinese hero produced by the foreign Press. This tatterdemalion soldier in a faded blue tunic and shorts that flapped far below his knees became the mascot of the British Tommies.” Charlie and his compatriots were not terribly articulate, since all he seemed to be able to say was “hello” and hun hun hao (very very good) when allowed to inspect a British Lee-Enfield rifle. He was, however, a master of urban guerrilla warfare, and supposedly ranged far beyond enemy lines, ambushing Japanese with his potato-masher grenades.1 In this version he killed over a hundred Japanese before they adopted the tactic of burning down entire blocks of buildings to get him.

The Americans also referred to a Chinese soldier who they called Charlie Chan, who manage to hold off a Japanese armored car with a machine gun and a collection of grenades. In this version he is a little more modern (he has a machine gun) and a tad more defined. The Americans thought he was a Communist, which I presume means he was from the 19th Route Army. He handles his machine-gun well, but does not actually kill anyone.

A much more interesting and articulate version of the same man turned up in the China Weekly Review. This is a much more sophisticated piece of propaganda. Here Charlie gets to speak for himself, (he gets a by-line) and explains that he is neither a Chan nor a Charlie, although he does not give his real name. He explains that

I am not a regular army man, but a plain citizen of Shanghai, employed in peaceful times by a local concern.

He was a member of the Shanghai Merchant Volunteer Corps, which had been founded after the Mukden Incident of 1931. In this version, as at the start of the Farmer story, he is in a strongpoint on the edge of the International Settlement. He and his comrades manage to drive off an assault by several Japanese armored cars. Much of the story makes him sound like a modern citizen-soldier, motivated by love of country and willing, like his comrades, to die for it. This Charlie does discuss his habit of exchanging greetings, with Farmer’s Tommies (who become Scots, Lincolnshires, and S.V.C. men in this version) and also with the U.S. 31st Division. Like Farmer he relates that they (starting with the Americans) tossed “Chesterfields, chocolates and candies” to him. He responded by tossing back some Japanese helmets, souvenirs of the battle in which the foreigners were not fighting. He also tossed them a tin of preserved bamboo shoots once, which caused quite a panic, as it might have been a bomb.

This Charlie is a much more modern Chinese. He is a skilled machine-gunner, far more aware of what is going on around him than in the other versions, and almost looks down at the foreign soldiers who are not fighting and who can’t tell harmless bamboo shoots from a grenade.

On the other hand, Charlie praises the Chinese Big Sword Corps. These were the Chinese soldiers armed with Big Swords 大刀 who first came to prominence in the Shanghai war

Here is how “Charlie” describes them.

 I must explain about our Big Sword Corps, because it is not found in the modern army. It is a medieval force, employing primitive swords, such as you find in Roman history. Stripped to the waist, barefooted, these naked envoys of death swear never to return whenever they are sent forth. Armed with a huge sword, a pistol, and many hand grenades that hang around his waist, the Big Sword is a combination of modern and primitive soldier.  His face is smeared with black grease, his hair is in disorder, and whenever he kills and enemy he puts his blood on his own face and body. His very sight is frightful even to his own men.

So we have a modern Chinese defending a modern nation, and a nation being defended by ancient and primitive techniques at the same time. I found this story because I am working on a paper on Chinese pilots and their role as symbols of a modern nation, but I may eventually see if I can dig up some more stuff on Charlie. For now, however, here is the story for your amusement. Actually, if you are teaching a Modern China class Charlie’s article might make a good primary source reading. You can find it on Pro-quest Fighting against Japan: From the China Weekly Review Shanghai American-Owned Weekly Chan, Charlie The Living Age (1897-1941); Jun 1932; 342, 4389; American Periodicals pg. 333

 

Update

Here are a couple of Big Sword pictures from the first months of the war.  Both from Five Months of War Shanghai: North China Daily News, 1938. Both pictures suggest that the foreigners, at least, did not take Big Swords seriously as weapons.

IMG_4564

IMG_4567


  1. p.68 

Salt, China, and Wikipedia

Slate has a post up on the abolition of the Chinese salt monopoly, and they are amazed  that something that has existed for 2,600 years is now being abolished. It’s just a short little piece and there is no harm to it, but there is a “China changes after thousands of years of not changing” vibe to it. I was thinking of doing a short post on how complex the history of salt in China actually is. I quickly found out that. Wikipedia has a very nice entry on Salt in Chinese History . If you look at the Talk page you will see that

 ??? This article has not yet received a rating on the project’s quality scale.
 ??? This article has not yet received a rating on the project’s importance scale.

in other words, it is not a typical Wikipedia entry and they could not figure out what to do with it.  In fact it is rather well-done, and summarizes most of the existing English-language literature. A lot of this has been done by a Canadian named Madalibi and someone named CWH, who I assume is Constance Wilhelmina Haversack . CWH has over 10,000 edits, and if you look at a lot of them they have no rating, as if Wikipedia’s hive mind has no idea what to make of them. It’s a nice example of how on-line China resources are evolving.

 

 

Shen Fu vs. Zhang Daye

One thing I always have to do as a teacher is figure out what books to assign. Since I always find this hard to do, I thought I would think it out in terms of MTV’s Celebrity Deathmatch. So, for this episode we have.

Shen Fu Six Records of a Floating Life

ShenFu

vs

Zhang Daye’s World of a Tiny Insect

Zhang

Which is the best book to assign?

Where they fit

Both of these are books for HIST 206 History of East Asia. I suppose they could go in something like a Late Imperial China class, but since so many of my students are replicants I try not to re-use books in different classes. For this type of class I want something short and in paperback that is readable yet deals with some important issues. There are usually lots of memoirs and such in the modern period, but in terms of spacing things out it is nice to have something early modern.

Other things that have more or less gone in this slot over the years are

-Keene trans. Chushingura

Katsu Kokichi Musui’s Story: The Autobiography of a Tokugawa Samurai

Spence, Death of Woman Wang

Schneewind Tale of Two Melons: Emperor and Subject in Ming China (well, I liked it)

Recently Shen Fu has had a long run and I have been pretty happy with it. This Fall, however I shifted to Zhang Daye, and I am not yet sure if I should stick with it.

Both of them are written by low-ranking members of the literate elite. Both of them are “hard to follow” because they “jump around.” Both of them, especially Zhang, require you to read a fair number of footnotes to get all the allusions and references in them.

In Shen Fu we get lots of stuff about his relationship with his family (mostly his father) and his not-very successful career as a government clerk and literatus His main advantage is probably that he is married, and his relationship with his wife is a major part of the book. (It is actually a pretty well-known book in China for that reason.) She, for instance, is not very happy with her restrictions as a woman, and a one point he helps her dress up as a man so she can see the sights

One year some friends of mine invited me to go and help to arrange their flowers, so I had a chance to see the festival myself. I went home and told Yun (his wife) how beautiful it was.

‘What a shame that I cannot go just because I am not a man,’ said Yun.

If you wore one of my hats and some of my clothes, you could look like a man.’

Yun thereupon braided her hair into a plait and made up her eyebrows. She put on my hat, and though her hair showed a little around her ears it was easy to conceal. When she put on my robe we found it was an inch and a half too long, but she took it up around the waist and put on a riding jacket over it.

‘What about my feet?’ Yun asked.

‘In the street they sell “butterfly shoes”,’ I said, ‘in all sizes. They’re easy to buy, and afterwards you can wear them around the house. Wouldn’t they do?’

Yun was delighted, and when she had put on my clothes after dinner she practised for a long time, putting her hands into her sleeves and taking large steps like a man.

But suddenly she changed her mind. ‘I am not going! It would be awful if someone found out. If your parents knew, they would never allow us to go.

I still encouraged her to go, however. ‘Everyone at the temple knows me. Even if they find out, they will only take it as a joke. Mother is at ninth sister’s house, so if we come and go secretly no one will ever know.’

Yun looked at herself in the mirror and laughed endlessly. I pulled her along, and we left quietly. We walked all around inside the temple, with no one realizing she was a woman. If someone asked who she was, I would tell them she was my cousin. They would only fold their hands and bow to her.

At the last place we came to, young women and girls were sitting behind the throne that had been erected there. They were the family of a Mr Yang, one of the organizers of the festival. Without thinking, Yun walked over and began to chat with them as a woman quite naturally might, and as she bent over to do so she inadvertently laid her hand on the shoulder of one of the young ladies.

One of the maids angrily jumped up and shouted, ‘What kind of a rogue are you, to behave like that!’ I went over to try to explain, but Yun, seeing how embarrassing the situation could become, quickly took off her hat and kicked up her foot, saying, ‘See, I am a woman too!’

At first they all stared at Yun in surprise, but then their anger turned to laughter. We stayed to have some tea and refreshments with them, and then called sedan chairs and went home.

A big part Shen Fu (like Zhang) is taken up with travel, and while I can’t do much in a class like this with how they fit into Chinese travel writing, he does sometimes take his wife with him.

When Chien Shih-chu of Wuchiang County fell ill and died, my father wrote and ordered me to represent him at the funeral. Hearing this, Yun took me aside. ‘If you are going to Wuchiang, you have to cross Lake Tai. I would love to go with you and see something more of the world.’

I had just been thinking how lonely it would be going by myself,’ I said, ‘and that if you could come with me it would be lovely. But there is no excuse for you to go.’

‘I could say I wanted to go home for a visit. You could go to the boat first, and I would meet you there.’ ‘Then on the way back we could stop the boat under Ten Thousand-Years Bridge,’ I said. ‘We could relax in the moonlight, the way we used to at the Pavilion of the Waves.’

It was then the 18th day of the sixth month. In the cool of the morning I took a servant and went ahead to the Hsu River Dock, where we boarded a boat and waited. Yun arrived in a sedan chair shortly afterwards. The boat cast off and left the Tiger’s Roar Bridge, and after a while we began to see other sails in the wind, and birds on the sandy shore. The sky and the water became the same colour.

‘Is this the Lake Tai that everyone speaks of?’ asked Yun. ‘Now that I see how grand the world is, I have not lived in vain! There are women who have lived their entire lives without seeing a vista like this.’

It seemed we had only chatted for a little while before we arrived at Wuchiang, where the wind was rustling the willows along the bank. I went ashore, only to return after the funeral to find the boat empty. I anxiously questioned the boatman, who pointed along the bank and said, ‘Don’t you see them in the shadow of the willows by the bridge watching the cormorants catch fish?’ To my surprise, Yiin had gone ashore with the boatman’s daughter. When I came up behind her she was still covered with perspiration, leaning against the other girl and lost in watching the birds. I patted her shoulder and said, ‘Your clothes are soaked through!’

Yiin turned her head to look at me. ‘I was afraid someone from the Chien family would come to the boat with you,’ she said, ‘so I came here for a while to keep them from seeing me if they did. Why did you come back so quickly?” I laughed. ‘So I could recapture you.’

We walked to the boat hand in hand, and sailed back to TenThousand-Years Bridge. The sun had not yet set by the time we reached the bridge, so we let down the windows of the boat to admit a breeze, then changed into silk clothes and, fanning ourselves, ate some. melon to cool off. Before long the setting sun turned the bridge red, and the twilight mist enveloped the willows in darkness. The silver moon was just rising and the river quickly filled up with the lights of night fishermen. We sent our servant to the stern to drink with the boatman.

The boatman’s daughter was named Su-yiin, and she had had several cups of wine with me once before. She was quite nice, so I called her over and asked her to sit with Yiin. There was no light in the bow of the boat, so we were able to enjoy the moon and drink happily. We began to play a literary drinking game, at which Suyiin could only blink her eyes. She listened to us for quite a while, then said, ‘I know a lot about drinking games, but I have never heard of this one. Will you teach it to me?’ Yiin thought up several examples to try to explain it to her, but after some time the boat girl still did not understand. I laughed and said, ‘Stop it, lady teacher. I have a comparison that will explain the problem.’

‘What kind of an example are you going to give?’ Yiin asked. A crane can dance but cannot plough, while an ox can plough but cannot dance. That is just the nature of things. Wouldn’t it be a waste of time if you tried to teach each of them to play the other’s game?’

Su-yin laughed playfully, hit me on the shoulder, and said, ‘Are you making fun of me?’

At this Yun ordered us to stop. ‘From now on we allow only talking. No more hitting! Whoever breaks the rule has to drink a big cup of wine.’

Su-yun had quite a capacity for wine, so she poured a big cup and downed it at one gulp.

‘No hitting,’ I then said, ‘but surely it’s all right if we caress one another.’

  If you want to understand literati society, the relationships between men and women and something about Chinese elite ideas about family, Shen Fu is your man.

Zhang gives us much less of this social history stuff. We don’t find out much about his family there is nothing about his career and for much of the story he is a small child, who is pretty unclear on what is going on.

I think the big advantage of Zhang is that he is living through the aftermath of the Taiping rebellion. He may be a member of the elite, but this is about as close as you are going to get to a text that gives you a feel for the miseries suffered by the common people in the chaos of the 19th century.

Shortly afterward, we again ran out of provisions. It so happened that we received an invitation from Diankou, so we went to Diankou.

Diankou belonged to the county of Zhuji, where my legal mother had come from. With mountains in the back and a river in the front, it was but a hundred leagues from Hangzhou. Yiqiao and Linpu were located upstream, and Fuchun was next to it. My maternal uncle and cousin had both passed away at a young age; my cousin’s widowed wife nee Feng lived alone with her ten-year-old son, Youqiao. When she learned of our whereabouts, she invited us to join her. We were both sad and happy upon seeing each other. She had a place in a remote, isolated mountain village called Pig’s Jaw, where she had stored up all her valuables. We all moved there.

By that time, Bao Village’s resistance force had been formed, and the bandits who went to attack them at different times numbered tens of thousands altogether. 1 After each lost battle the bandits would vent their anger and frustration on the neighboring villages, burning and pillaging to their heart’s content. Feng said, “We cannot afford to be careless about this.” So she hired a dozen strong clansmen who earned their living by physical labor. One of the clansmen was named Wenjing; another was named Xiaofu. She placed me in their care.

We sought refuge at Ding’s Port. But Ding’s Port had too many petty thieves, so we came back to Diankou. Then I fell sick. I had come down with malaria at Ding’s Port, which now turned into dysentery. Soon my head and face were swelling up, and my ten fingers were as thick as hammers. The elders were all shocked upon seeing me like this; they thought I had white jaundice, and nine out of ten with white jaundice would die.

The bandit alarm was raised from time to time, and the cost of rice shot up. My cousin’s wife was becoming destitute, for we had gone into the mountains to hide from the bandits and, upon coming home, discovered that the house had been robbed clean. We had bran and wild greens for food. My mother wept all day; even I myself thought I was dying. Fortunately, Xiaofu found a rare remedy and cured me. I was, however, exceedingly weak and fragile, and was often half starving. In the hills there was a spring as clear as a mirror. I would follow my mother to pick wild greens there. When we rested by the spring, I saw my reflection in it: I was emaciated and haggard like a ghost. When a chilly wind shook the trees, the cold would penetrate our very flesh and bones. At sunset, we would hold on to each other and walk home, and never failed to burst into tears.

As Bao Village’s militia was growing increasingly powerful, many members of the Chen clan went to join them. My cousin’s wife also wanted to go, but Wenjing convinced her not to. Soon afterward, Bao Village indeed fell. There was rumor that the bandits would kill everyone in Zhuji to vent their anger, so we again fled to Ding‘s Port, and Wenjing took me to Houbao. Wenjing was a relative of my maternal grandfather’s generation. My illness was most grave during the high summer, and every day Wenjing would carry me on his back, traveling back and forth in the mountains. As I was suffering from dysentery, stools mixed with blood would soil his back, which became festered. One of his associates regarded me as a burden, and urged him to dispose of me. Wenjing would not listen. He left after he took me to Houbao, and soon afterward died of illness. How painful! Though he was an elder, Wenjing had become a hired hand out of poverty, and had never assumed the authoritative attitude of a senior toward me. Instead, he loved me dearly and sincerely. My cousin’s wife and her son thought that even they could not care about me more than he did. He died without a son, and, in the midst of the chaos, no one knew where he was buried, so I cannot even offer a cup of wine as a sacrifice to his spirit. As for me, I have been down-and-out all my useless life, and would probably have been better off dying early in childhood-but then, how could Wenjing have foreseen this? We parted hastily in war and turmoil, little knowing that the farewell would be our last. It is so very sad!

This is a somewhat grimmer book. If you want to understand smoke, Zhang Daye is your man

There were five sorts of “flames of war.” The sort that had a sharp tip and flared up straight was a beacon fire. The sort that had a diffused purplish light was the fire that burned possessions. The sort that was black in its upper part and red at the base was the fire that burned houses. The sort that gave off a white smoke like clouds and drifted about was the fire that burned grain. As for the sort with a congealed smoke and of a light green hue, that was the fire that burned corpses. I had tested this theory from the pinnacle of Snow Shadow Peak, and had never erred.

One thing that students always want is a book they can relate to. Neither of these works very well for that. You never really get a feel for what Zhang Daye is like as a person. While there is always at least one person in the classroom who can identify with Shen Fu’s problems as a middle-aged guy watching his life slip away, most students can’t. The love story with his wife also tends to leave them cold even if they realize it is there. To the extent they get a voice they don’t like either one. They usually have a mini-writing assignment on each book before the discussion, and then have to choose to write a longer paper on either this one or the next book. These ones always do poorly. This semester Zhang Daye lost to A Man with No Talents: Memoirs of a Tokyo Day Laborer 29-1. This may be due to a preference for Japan over China, for modern over pre-modern history2 or more likely, for a deep intellectual preference for procrastination.  So I am guessing the choice can’t be driven by student interest.

I think next time I may go back to Shen Fu, if only because he gives me so many chances to talk about things like family and the nature of the shi elite that I would like to talk about and that are specifically Chinese. How much war are disorder suck are pretty universal. With Zhang I had a bit less luck then I sometimes do in getting people to say anything about the book. Shen Fu at least has drinking games. What do you think?


  1. The resistance force at Bao Village was led by a man named Bao Lishen (1838- 1862). As the force repeatedly fended off the advances of the Taiping army, numerous wealthy families from various places in Zhejiang sought refuge in the village. After more than eight months of fighting, the village was eventually captured, and butchered, on July 27, 1862. 

  2. modern is easier to identify with 

Teaching Asia, Fall 2014

Wow, I forgot to write a syllabus post!

There is something of a tradition here at the Frog of posting our syllabai and asking for advice about how to teach a particular class. Although it is too late to get any help for Fall 2014, I figured I would post these and see if anyone had anything to say.

This Fall I am teaching History of East Asia, Modern Japan, and, for what it is worth, a couple sections of the intro methods course for History majors.

As in the past, History of East Asia is sort of a history class and sort of a culture class. These ultra-broad surveys are always hard to teach, since students come in expecting to learn about the timeless culture of Asia, while I am trying to teach them about change over time. I try to fix this by talking about both the period I am looking at and placing it in a broader East Asian context. Thus the Shang is both a dynasty and ancestor worship and ideas about family. Fukuzawa Yukichi and Liang Qichao both need to be stuffed into “The world of the reformers.”

As always, a big part of the class for me is the books. When I was an undergrad Dr. Rosen explained to me that he assumed that all his students would forget his name, the name of the building the classes were in, all the essay topics they wrote on, but that they would remember every real book they actually read for the rest of their lives. This is still how I approach picking out books and designing classes.

This time I used Exemplary Women of Early China 1 as the first real book they read. I have really struggled to find an early text that they can deal with, and have usually tried Zhuangzi (too weird) Songs (poems, yuck!) I will do a post in a bit on how this worked out. Tale of the Heike is sort of a standard for me (Japan, fits right in the middle, cheap). Tiny Insect is new, and I will do a post about this…when I get around to it.

Once thing that has changed both classes is that I am no longer giving exams, as such. This is a change that has been coming for a while. I have always hated multiple choice exams, and only gave in to the dark side in the Freshman survey classes a few years ago. I have usually given take-home exams for the essays, since their handwriting is much better when they print things out rather than write in a blue-book. More importantly, they write better essays when they can actually look at sources, and I at least hope they learn more. This time rather than doing a take-home mid-term in 206 I am going to have them try their hands at some take-home essays at various points in the semester. We will see how this goes.

I am also not assigning a textbook for either of these.2 This was a harder decision, but I have generally found that the only way to get our students to read a textbook is to give frequent quizzes on it. If you don’t, the signs of textbook reading (which I would define as a student mentioning something that was in the text that I did not specifically reference in class) drop to almost nothing. So I figured that if I was going to use written assignments/ class discussions to get people to read, it should be something better than a textbook.

The Japan class follows my recent pattern of trying to push classes away from the lecture-exam model as much as I can. The plan was that the class would end up being centred around discussing various articles and book chapters they had read. I am not sure how well this worked out, but at least for the immediate future I plan to keep plugging on this model.

Any suggestions/comments?


  1. Kinney, Anne Behnke. Exemplary Women of Early China: The Lienü Zhuan of Liu Xiang. Columbia University Press, 2014. 

  2. Well, the Japan class has Goto-Jones, Christopher S. Modern Japan a Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. I wish there were more Asia books in this series.  

Teaching in Japan

So, we are getting into the late middle of the Fall semester here in North America. If you are finding the whole teaching thing is getting you down, here is something  from Sugawara No Michizane, who eventually became the Japanese God of Literature, which is sort of like making tenure only even better. As a mortal, however, he had to teach, and he sometimes found it trying.1

Professorial Difficulties
We are not a family of generals.
As Confucian scholars we earn our living.
My revered grandfather held the third rank.
My compassionate father served as a high court noble.
Well they knew the power of learning
And wished to pass it on for their descendants’ glory.
The day I was promoted to graduate student,
I determined to follow the ways of my ancestors.
The year I became a professor,
Happily, the lecture hall was rebuilt.
When everyone rushed to be first to congratulate me,
My father alone expressed concern.
Over what did he express concern?
“Alas that you are an only child,” he said;
“The office of professor is not mean,
The salary of a professor is not small.
Once I too held this post
And lived in fear of people’s criticism.”
Having heard this kind admonition,
I proceeded uneasily as if treading on ice.
In the fourth year of Gangyo [ 880], the Council of State ordered that I begin my lectures.
But after teaching only three days,
Slanderous voices reached my ears.
When preparing recommendations for graduate study,
It was perfectly clear who did or did not deserve to advance.
But the first student to be failed for lack of ability
Denounced me and begged for an undeserved grade.
I have not failed as a teacher;
My recommendations were made fairly!
How true was my father’s advice
When he warned me before all this occurred.

Obviously this has little to do with modern teachers, but I pass it along any way. He was also bothered  by the antics of his more unruly pupils. In particular, teaching seems to have interfered with his scholarship.

A brush is an implement for writing, and a scraper a tool for
scratching out mistakes. But some of that flock of crows who descend on me, apparently unaware of the proper use for such implements, pick up the scraper and immediately start hacking at the desks, or fiddle with the brush until they’ve spattered and soiled my books. On top of this, in scholarship the most important thing is to gather data, and to gather data one has first of all to take notes. But since I am not a person of very proper or methodical nature, I often find I have to lay down my brush in the midst of my researches, and at such times I leave a lot of little slips of paper lying about with
notes on them concerning the data I have collected. At such times people come wandering into my library without permission; though what they’re thinking about I can’t imagine, the clever ones, when they spy my notes, fold them up and stuff them into the breast of their robe, and the stupid ones pick them up, tear them in two, and throw them away! Occurrences like this distress me intensely, …
I am particularly ashamed to think that I have been unable to
establish the kind of unofficial academy that would attract real men of worth, but instead am reduced to laying down regulations to keep uninvited intruders out of my library. Such remarks are intended only for those who do not really understand me, though those who do understand me number only about three. I hope in spreading a small net to keep  out swallows and sparrows I won’t be driving any
phoenixes away.

I find the final bit, where he is lamenting the fact that his silly rules to keep students out of his library is making it harder for him to teach other students, particularly poignant.

PS. I am just posting this because I find it interesting and generally applicable. There is nothing going on in my life that makes this particularly relevant.


  1. from Borgen, Robert. Sugawara No Michizane and the Early Heian Court. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994.  

Its hard out there for a party historian

Xie Chuntao, the chief historian at the Central Party School has recently expressed an opinion that some parts of China’s history are closed, and likely to remain so. “Some involve the state’s core interests and some are not convenient to be released,”

My comments on this are partially superseded, as it is coals to Anyuan to be snarky about Chinese history on the English-language internet as long as Jeremiah Jenne is still at large.

One thing I do find encouraging is that at the very end Xie says “From a historical research [viewpoint] it is to be hoped that it would be best if they are all opened. But I fear this cannot happen and may never happen.” (I wish SCMP would link to the Chinese version) So he regrets the situation. That is good. He wants to reveal this stuff, supposedly, but can’t. How does one balance one’s obligations to China and the Party-state against one’s duties to history and scholarship? Xie Chuntao may not be Fang Xiaoru, but this is an old topic in Chinese culture.

Is Xie (who I have never met) a hack? And if so, what sort of hack is he? Or is he just a scholar doing the best he can in a certain situation? Well, here is the blurb for his book. Why and How the CPC Works in China. 1 edition. New World Press, Beijing, China, 2011.

The international community now views China and the Communist Party of China (CPC) with increasing respect because of a series of important and symbolic events—from the truly exceptional Beijing Olympic Games and the 2010 Shanghai World Exposition that attracted world attention to the fast economic growth obtained even against the backdrop of the international financial crisis. The “China Model,” “China Road” and “China Experience” have become hot topics of discussion both at home and abroad. Insightful people are pondering how the CPC could score such brilliant achievements, and how such a party can still be full of vigor and vitality 90 years after it was founded and 60 years after it gained power.

O.k. so far he sounds like George Will. On the other hand, he works at Central Party School the which is the subject of this very revealing expose, which shows some of the constraints he is laboring under.

This is an older piece, so we get some pictures of the old head of the party school, some guy named Xi. What we also get is a nice picture of ideological control over scholars. Many American scholars are grumpy about the role of student evaluations in assessing teaching, but at the Party School we find a proper modern assessment system

According to the current appraisal system, the full mark for a lecture is 10 points. Any lecture scored under nine is deemed a major malfunction of the teacher. If such an event occurs, proper administrative departments in the school will hold a meeting with all the teachers to resolve the problem.

The appraisal system was introduced into the school not long ago. Currently the school publishes each teacher’s score at the end of each term. Xie Chuantao said in his department, if a teacher has a score lower than department’s average, he or she would be suspended from teaching for a while.

The Central Party School, where all the teachers are above average. Obviously this type of system will have US assessment gurus polishing up their C.V.s for a new job in China. It is not very surprising that students have so much power, however, given that the Central Party School is  the place where  cadres punch their tickets for the trip from promising local person to national figure. ( see  Liu, Alan P. L. “Rebirth and Secularization of the Central Party School in China.” The China Journal, 2009. )

Xie is highly aware that his students are quite different from ordinary school students. In past years, Xie Chuntao has seen many students promoted to higher positions or even to the Central Committee of the CPC, while at the same time, he is also sorry for a few that have been put into prison for discipline violations.

Obviously the elite have changed some. Instead of cadres with high school education many of them now have Master’s degrees.

 Great changes have taken place regarding the school’s curriculum. More than a decade ago, given the educational background of students, the school prepared classes on history and geography in addition to classics of Marxism and Leninism. Nowadays, such courses are replaced by opera appreciation and diplomatic etiquette.

The school is also a lot more liberal than in was in the old days

Openness and frankness are long-cherished traditions in the school. In the late 1970s, students at the school held a discussion covering the criterion for testing truth, which subsequently led to a nationwide liberation of thoughts. Hu Yaobang, the then vice president of the school, set up four rules to encourage free discussion among students. Here, no one would be discriminated against or punished for speaking out his real mind. When former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld visited the school the liberal classroom environment surprised him greatly.

If you have both Hu Yaobang and Donald Rumsfeld you have both the Chinese and the foreign spokesmen for liberalism and free thought on your side.

What I suspect is happening is that, yet again, the bounds of acceptable discourse are shifting, and a tiny set of issues are being defined as nei bu (internal circulation) They do talk about the Great Leap at CPS, but they also don’t publish  anything that contradicts the official line. While ruling things out of bounds is clearly not a progressive step, it may help at least a little in opening up sources on things which are not considered sensitive.  On the one hand the Xie quotes about “closed files” make it sound like Chinese historical study is slipping back towards the Maoist period. On the other, CPS article makes China sound a bit like any other normal country where scholarship has to contend with state power and the security state. Of course it is pretty different as well.

Frog in a Well enters the Five Dynasties phase

This blog is currently going through a Tang-Song transition sort of thing: a somewhat confusing period of change from which it emerges better than ever…maybe.

The long-term transition is from three separate East Asia blogs one unified blog, from one layout to another, and from one site to another.

Old Version here

New Version here

At present we are stuck in the confusing 5 Dynasties that come between the Tang and the Song, so at least for a bit you can find identical posts at both places. If you have us on an RSS feed or something like that this would be a time to switch.

ALSO

The Song was a period Open to Talent, and we are looking for new members. So if you want to join, contribute a post, or otherwise contribute, send an 8-legged essay describing your interest.

Pictures of Japan

Do you teach about Japan? If so you might want to check out the Toshidma Gallery. Teaching is always better with pictures, and if you do Japan you are probably always on the lookout for good pictures of things like the Kanko-Maru Japan’s first steam warship.  (formerly the Dutch Soembing

Kuniteru_Panorama_of_the_Northern_Provinces

Or a picture of the Battle of Gojo Bridge

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERA

Or an image of kabuki actors in a play where they portray puppeteers

Kunichika_Puppeteers

Or stuff that clearly shows changes in Japanese printmaking as we get closer to the modern period, like this Kintaro-in-a-Madonna-and-Child image

Yoshitoshi_Kaidomaru_and_Yamauba

Generally if you find these sorts of pictures on the web they are usually context-free. Toshidama gives us a number of nice introductions to the pictures themselves and some good little essays on aspects of Japanese culture, the print business and the impact of Western art on Japan and Japanese art on the West.

There seem to be two blogs, with one more attached to the stuff they are selling (did I mention that my birthday is coming up?) and one with more general discussions. Both are well worth reading.

 

Chinese Canon wars

 

cannons

From Xiaoqun Xu1  we get a wonderful description of a battle over the Chinese canon between Liang Qichao and Hu Shi. This took place in the pages of pages of Qinghua Weekly and Chenbao Fukan in 1923 and, as far as I know 2 Xu’s is the only account of this battle between the preeminent Late Qing intellectual and the preeminent May 4th intellectual over the foundation of a proper Chinese education.

Liang’s section on “moral cultivation and intellectual history” includes Analects and Mencius (which should be learned by heart) Changes, Rites, the classical philosophers Debates on Salt and Iron, Bao Bu zi and more. The list runs through Chinese history all the way to the present, where he recommends some of his own works and also some of Hu Shi’s.

The early part of the list shows a bit of a change in Liang’s thinking, since he had been harshly critical of much traditional historical work. At one point ( i.e. the 1902 Xin shixue ) he had wanted to get away from moralizing history and the history of elites and create a “people’s history” that would serve the needs of the nation.3 In 1923, however, he was critical of Hu Shi’s list of key texts4 which left out history entirely and was, apparently,  far more technical and “modern.”

“In Liang’s view, Hu Shi’s error came from his doubt of ancient records (yigu). Having doubts was a good methodology, but an excessive doubt would also be problematic. If one would totally discard Book of Rites, Classic of Books, and Spring and Autumn Annals in discussing ancient Chinese history, it would amount to throwing away a larger part of Chinese heritage.”

While Liang may have been critical of traditional history as scholarship, he was very much in favor of the idea of classic texts as a means of self-cultivation and as a way of creating a patriotic spirit. He himself remembered listening to his grandfather tell him about the “wise words and noble deeds of heroes and philosophers from history” especially in times of national crisis at the end of the Song and Ming. ( (Luo Zhitian “the Marginalization of Classical Studies and the Rising Prominence of Historical Studies during the Late Qing and Early Republic: A Reappraisal” in Moloughney, Brian, and Peter Zarrow. Transforming History: The Making of A Modern Academic Discipline in Twentieth-Century China. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2012. p.67  ))  It is notable that he recalls studying with his grandfather during the day, but then hearing the stories at night. He is thus seems to be dividing scholarship (written, studied, in the daytime) from moral education/patriotism (oral, experienced, at night). This may help explain why he wants students to memorize (and presumably recite) Analects and Mencius. You can do scholarly work on those texts without memorizing them, but you can’t fully claim them as texts of self-cultivation if you have not memorized them.

Liang makes the distinction between scholarship and self-cultivation even more clear by providing a shorter list of books which everyone, even if they do not wish to be a scholar of National Studies, should learn.  You have to study these, or you ” cannot truly be a learned Chinese (zhongguo xueren)” While it was fine for students to go abroad and learn Geology or whatever, they had to study (and memorize) the classics to remain Chinese. 

“Being a member of a nation, one must have some understanding of his nation’s good literature. Only learning by heart, can [it] stay in our ‘sub-consciousness,’ take root, and gradually ferment without us realizing it. Sage’s sayings help cultivate our body and soul, and some of them have long since formed the common consciousness in our entire society. Since [we] are members of this society, we should grasp the common consciousness thoroughly so that we do not have a barrier separating us from it. … If you become the best American scholars in body and soul, I am afraid you will have no influence on Chinese culture. If you would have [such influence without any knowledge of national learning], we could have just invited [to China] one hundred and scores of blue-eyed American Ph.D.s, and why would we need you?”

I am somewhat surprised that nothing has yet been written in English about this debate between Liang and Hu. There are of course accounts of debates on how Chinese history should be researched and written, but not much on how and why it should be taught. I suspect that this little exchange caught my eye because I remember the American Canon Wars of the 80’s and 90’s where a great deal of ink was spilled over what books/authors should be considered canonical. Even at the time I thought it was a pretty pointless debate, since they were arguing over what books should be used if the process of American undergraduate education consisted of small groups of people deeply studying important books. As a T.A. at a big state university I knew full well how unrealistic that was. Such lists do, however, make a nice proxy for debating the Soul of Our Culture.


  1. Xu, Xiaoqun. Cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, and Individualism in Modern China: The Chenbao Fukan and the New Culture Era, 1918-1928. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2014.  

  2. which is not very far 

  3. Wang, Q. Edward. Inventing China through History: The May Fourth Approach to Historiography. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. p. 45-48 

  4. Xu does not reproduce this, and a quick search has not found it for me. Does anyone know where to get a copy of the lists?  

Early Medieval China

Just for fun I have been reading Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook.1 It is a very good book, written by a collection of the superheros of the field. The advertising blurb from Columbia calls it “innovative” and it indeed is. Normally a sourcebook is a collection of primary sources aimed, mostly, at undergraduates. This book is rather more ambitious. There are probably a few places where undergraduates take courses specialized enough to merit assigning a book like this, but not many. Mostly it is aimed at scholars, being intended to summarize some of the most important recent work and suggest what might be done in the future. Thus we get Yang Lu explains and translates some of the wooden slips dealing with local administration found at Changsha in 1996, and we also get various tomb texts that have never been translated into English. The introductions to the volume and to the individual sections are the best short introductions to these topics2 available in English. The introductions and notes matter a lot. In a more traditional sourcebook editors often look for readings that an undergraduate would be able to get something out of without too much of an introduction or too many footnotes. Sometimes this is not too hard. Confucius talking about being a good person and Xunzi talking about good government are things that most students should be able to pick up on without too much hand-holding.  This period is different, however, and while the editors are at pains to point out that there was more going on in the culture of the period than “insect carving”, i.e. the incredibly recondite, allusive writing that the era is notorious for (although they do include Pei Ziye’s ‘Discourse on Insect Carving.’) they have put a lot of work into introducing the otherwise obscure readings and glossing everything that needs to be glossed.

There are, for instance, a whole set of texts that deal with topics that most people who teach the field talk about a lot. There is a nice reading from Ge Hong on the cultural differences between North and South, which is, of course one of the traditional themes of the period. The reading also gives something of the importance of Philology (and Phonology) in the scholarship of the time, as well as the importance of language, a theme that runs throughout the book.

Ge Hong
“ON PRONUNCIATION AND SPEECH”
(YINCI) (EXCERPT)
People of the Nine Provinces speak in different dialects. This has been the norm since the beginning of mankind. [ … ] The land and waters of the South are mild and gentle; [thus] the sound [of Southern speech] is bright and crisp. The shortcoming is its shallowness. Its expressions are mostly vulgar. The mountains and rivers in the North are solemn and deep; [thus] the sound (of Northern speech] is baritone and rotund, taking after the simplicity and ruggedness [of the landscape]. The expressions contain many ancient terms. However, Southern [speech] is finer when spoken by nobles and gentlemen; Northern [speech] is better when spoken by villagers and peasants. One could distinguish in a few words a Southern gentleman from a commoner, even if they exchanged clothes. One would have difficulty differentiating between a Northern courtier and a countryman even after listening [to them] all day from behind a wall. Moreover, Southern speech has been influenced by [the dialects of] Wu and Yue; Northern speech has [the languages of] barbarians and captives mixed into it. Both have deep flaws that cannot be discussed in detail here.[ … ] Since I arrived at Ye, I find only Cui Ziyue and his nephew Cui Zhan Li Zuren and his younger brother, Li Wei to be knowledgeable in speech and slightly more accurate [in pronunciation]. Resolving Doubts About Sounds and Rhymes composed by Li Jijie [lived during Northern Qi], contains many mistakes. The Classification of Rhymes, devised by Yang Xiuzhi is perfunctory. The [pronunciation of the] children of my house, since their childhood, has been watched and corrected. I take any mispronunciation of a character as my own fault. When determining what an object should be called, I dare not utter its name without first consulting books and records-this you know well.
[Yanshi jiaxun jijie, 529-45]

On the other hand they also have all sorts of things that don’t fit the traditional picture of the period as well. Shu Xi’s “Rhapsody on Pasta” is a good example.

…At the beginning of the three spring months
When yin and yang begin to converge,
And the chilly air has dispersed,
When it is warm but not sweltering,
At this time for feasts and banquets
It is best to serve mantou. 32

When Wu Hui governs the land,33
And the pure yang spreads and diffuses,
We dress in ramie and drink water,
Cool ourselves in the shade.
If in this season we make pasta,
There is nothing better than bozhuang. 34

When the autumn wind blows fierce, 35
And the great Fire Star moves west,36
When sleek down appears on birds and beasts,
And barren branches appear on trees,
Dainties and delicacies must be eaten warm.
Thus, leavened bread may be served.37

In dark winter’s savage cold,
At early-morning gatherings,
Snot freezes in the nose,
Frost forms around the mouth,
For filling empty stomachs and relieving chills,
Boiled noodles are best.

Thus, each kind is used in a particular season,
Depending on what is apt and suitable for the time.
If one errs in the proper sequence,
The result will not be good.

Ok, so just like in the ancient texts, you need to adopt your foods to the season. Obviously if one does not the results for your health and the balance of the universe will not be good. Is there anything that, like chicken soup with rice, is good all times of the year? Yes, there is.

That which Through winter, into summer,
Can be served all year round,

And in all four seasons freely used,
In no respect unsuitable,
Can only be the boiled dumpling. 38

And then, twice-sifted flour, 39
Flying like dust, white as snow,
Sticky as glue, stringy as tendons,
Becomes moist and glistening, soft and lustrous.

For meat There are mutton shoulders and pork ribs,
Half fat, half skin. It is chopped fine as fly heads,
And strung together like pearls, strewn like pebbles.
Ginger stalks and onion bulbs,
Into azure threads are sliced and split.
Pungent cinnamon is ground into powder,
Fagara and thoroughwort are sprinkled on.
Blending in salt, steeping black beans,
They stir and mix all into a gluey mash.

And then, when the fire is blazing and the hot water is bubbling,
Savage fumes rise as steam.
Pushing up his sleeves, dusting off his coat,
The cook grasps and presses, pats and pounds.
Flour is webbed to his finger tips,
And his hands whirl and twirl, crossing back and forth.
In a flurrying frenzy, in a motley mixture,
The dumplings scatter like stars, pelt like hail.
Meat does not burst into the steamer,
And there is no loose flour on the dumplings.
Lovely and pleasing, mouthwatering,
The wrapper is thin, but it does not burst.
Rich flavors are blended within,
A plump aspect appears without.
They are as tender as spring floss,
As white as autumn silk.
Steam, swirling and swelling, wafts upward,
The aroma swiftly spreads far and wide.

So now you have a recipe to try. Thoroughwort is, I think, Bone-set, and I would not use it in food, but the rest should be easy enough to find.
There are also readings on topics that have always been aspects of the Great Tradition, but have gotten less attention in the past. Thus we have a whole section on Auto-cremation. If you have been wondering how immolation fits into the Buddhist tradition there are readings here for you.

THE SONG MONK HUIYI (D. 463)
OF ZHULIN SI IN THE CAPITAL

Huiyi was from Guangling. When he was young, he left home and followed his master to Shouchun During the Xiaojian period of the Song [454-456] he arrived in the capital [Jiankang] and resided at Zhulin si. He diligently practiced austerities, and he vowed to burn his body. When his fellow monks heard of this, some castigated him while others praised him. In the fourth year of Daming [460], he began by abstaining from cereals and ate only sesame and wheat. In the sixth year, he stopped eating wheat and consumed only oil of thyme.17 Sometimes he also cut out the oil and ate only pills made of incense. Although the four gross elements [of his body] became feeble, his spirit was clear and his judgment was sound.

Emperor Xiaowu [r. 454-464] had a profound regard for Huiyi and respectfully inquired [as to his intentions]. He dispatched his Chief Minister Yigong, Prince of Jiangxia. [413-465], to the monastery to reason with him. But [Hui] yi would not go back on his vow. On the eighth day of the
fourth month of the seventh year of the Darning reign period [May 11, 463], he prepared to burn himself.

He set up a cauldron full of oil on the southern slope of Zhong shan That morning, he mounted an oxcart drawn by humans and was going from the monastery to the mountain. But then he realized that the emperor was not only the foundation of the people but also the patron of the three jewels
He wanted to enter the palace under his own strength, but when he reached the Yunlong gate he could no longer proceed on foot. He sent a messenger to say, “The man of the Way, Huiyi, who is about to abandon his body, is at the gate and presents his farewells. He profoundly hopes that the
Buddha dharma may be entrusted [to his majesty].” When the emperor heard his message, he was upset and immediately came out to meet him at the Yunlong gate. When [Hui]yi saw the emperor, he earnestly entrusted the Buddha dharma to his care, then he took his leave. The emperor followed him. Princes, concubines, empresses, religious, laity, and officials flooded into the valley. The robes that they offered and the treasures that they donated were incalculable.

Huiyi now entered the cauldron, lay down on a little bed within it, and wrapped himself in cloth. On his head he added a long cap, which he saturated with oil. As he was about to apply the flame to it, the emperor ordered his chief minister to approach the cauldron and to try to dissuade him. (Yigong pleaded], “There are many ways to practice the path; why must you end your life? I wish you would think again and try a different track.” But Huiyi’s resolve was unshakable and he showed no remorse. He replied, “This feeble body and this wretched life, how do they deserve to be retained? If the mind of Heaven and the compassion of the sage [i.e., the emperor] are infinite, then my wish is merely that twenty people [be allowed to] leave home.” An edict ordering these ordinations was immediately issued. [Hui]yi took up the torch in his own hand and ignited the cap. With the cap ablaze, he cast away the torch, put his palms together, and chanted the “Chapter on the Medicine King.” As the flames reached his eyebrows, the sound of his recitation could still be clearly discerned. Reaching his eyes, it became indistinct. The cries of pity from the rich and poor echoed in the dark valley. They all clicked their fingers [in approval]; they intoned the name of the Buddha and cried, full of sorrow.

The fire did not die down until the next morning. At that moment, the emperor heard the sound of pipes in the air and smelled a strange perfume that was remarkably fragrant. He did not return to the palace until the end of that day. In the night he dreamed that he saw Huiyi, who came striking a bell. Again [the monk] entrusted to him the Buddha dharma. The next day, the emperor held an ordination ceremony. He ordered the Master of Ceremonies to give a eulogy for the funeral service. At the place of the autocremation was built Yaowang si in an allusion to [Huiyi’s recitation of] the “Original Acts.”

As I said above, I can’t imagine teaching a class where I would be able to assign this to students, but it is a great beach read.


  1. Swartz, Wendy, Robert Ford Campany, Yang Lu, and Jessey J. C. Choo. Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook. Columbia University Press, 2013.  

  2. “Relations with the Unseen World, Everyday Life, Imaging Self and Other, Cultural Capital, Governing Mechanisms and Social Reality, The North and the South” 

Understanding China Through Comics

The third volume of Understanding China Through Comics is out, and it is good. In my previous reviews I talked about how well the books explained Chinese history and how well they worked visually. As before, the answer to both is pretty well, and they are getting better.

This volume goes from 907-1368, so we get the Song and the Yuan. This is a tricky period to deal with visually. There are a lot of foreigners around, and it is hard to distinguish them. Different hats will help.

Hats

Unlike western writers, Liu is committed to explaining all the political ins and outs of this period, and he does a pretty good job of sorting out the constant political shifts, although reading this also helps explain why so may other authors don’t bother with all this.

As in the earlier volumes there is a lot of stuff explaining the past in terms of the present, so Song commercialization/technical advances is done through by having Malcom Gladwell drop by to discuss rice paddies. Gladwell

The Song is actually a pretty interesting test case for Liu’s central thesis, that Chinese history is a 5,000 year quest to create a middle-class society, given that this is the time of the birth of an early modern commercial society and a time of great technological advance. SongTreadSongTechMost importantly, this was the time of Wang Anshi. Wang’s reforms have garnered a lot of attention in the 20th century, since he is the Chinese official who’s policies can be most easily linked to the present. If you want to find signs of modern administration, the welfare state, democracy, or incipient Communists totalitarianism in traditional China, Wang’s reforms are where you look. Liu is clearly a member of Team Wang, presenting him as an upright technocrat who should have been listened to. WangAnshi The Song is also portrayed as the age when the “scholar-officials” came fully into power, and the idea that these upright technocrats were admirable and sacrosanct came from here. No more executing those who speak truth to power!ScholarsWhile all the above is both pretty good history and also clearly has modern resonances, Liu does point out that you can’t read Chinese nationalism back into the past. Here we have peasants telling each other that it does not much matter who they are paying taxes to. This makes the books quite different from a lot of the Chinese history you see in China, where all of China’s 56 ethnic groups have always been modern nationalists.  PeasantsDontcareUnfortunately, Liu does gloss over some of the more bothersome aspects of China’s past. Footbinding is a good example. In this book it is presented as a way of protecting Chinese women from being carried off by barbarians.

FootbindingNobody has a really good explanation for why footbinding spread, but needless to say this is not one of the possible explanations. More importantly, this page reconciles me to the fact that Liu is not planning to go past 1911 in his history. If you won’t look at the uglier part of your history, what can you do with those who rebel against it? If you leave out what footbinding really was you can’t do Joe Hill or MLK, or Lu Xun or Liang Qichao. I guess they are just nagging troublemakers, rather than the best of what you are.

ALSO

At the same time the new, re-drawn and expanded revised edition of Volume One is out.
1 Liu seems to be warming to his task, and in this new world of publish on demand he can re-work his stuff as much as he wants. Here is China surrounded by foes in the introduction to the old Volume 1

Divided V1

And here it is on p.13 of the new version

RivalStates2

Not only are the drawings more detailed, they are better in that they convey more. You can loose yourself in the second one in a way you can’t in the first version.

Here is the old version of Confucianism as a means of social mobility Mobility V 1

Here is the new.

Exams

He has also expanded some parts. In the last version I mentioned that this was about as well as you could explain Confucianism, Daoism, and Legalism in one page,

photo5

but also pointed out that it might be o.k to use more than one page. Here is (part of) the new version.

Daosim

We also get a bit more history of technology, and also a tendency to have characters leap out of the page to explain things to us.

It is still pretty much the same book, only better.

 


  1. Jing Liu claimed he “fixed some of the problems you pointed out.”, and while I doubt I had much influence on what he did, it is nice to think that this is a blog that Gets Results.  

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